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Record W4379779895 · doi:10.1353/aiq.2015.a595117

Anthropological Experts and the Legal System: Brazil and Canada

2015· article· en· W4379779895 on OpenAlex

Why this work is in the frame

A frame that forgets how it found something cannot be audited. These are the routes that admitted this work.

aboutThe title or abstract carries a Canadian signal from the geographic lexicon.
no affNo Canadian affiliation: this work is invisible to an affiliation-only frame.
No Canadian affiliation. An affiliation-only frame, the usual design, would never have seen this work. It is one of the works that make the case for inverting the frame.

Bibliographic record

VenueThe American Indian Quarterly · 2015
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicLaw in Society and Culture
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsIndigenousBlameMillerLawFace (sociological concept)SociologyLegal realismLegal processPolitical scienceLegal professionSocial sciencePsychology

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Anthropological Experts and the Legal SystemBrazil and Canada Bruce Granville Miller (bio) and Gustavo Menezes (bio) Anthropologists are commonly called into the legal system in a number of countries to present expert testimony regarding Indigenous issues and people. In this article we examine how this process occurs in our two countries (Miller in Canada and Menezes in Brazil) and two different legal traditions. We first briefly describe the ways in which the Brazilian civil law tradition provides openings for testimony and then the Canadian common-law practice (Miller also provides testimony in the United States). We draw on our own work to illustrate the role of anthropological experts, the manner in which Indigenous experiences are transformed into legal and anthropological questions throughout the legal process, and, most significantly, the ways in which we attempt to communicate to the court something of the reality of Indigenous experience. But note: by necessity, our accounts emphasize the difficult cases, and we do not suggest that counterexamples cannot be found. Our effort is not to lay the blame for difficulties faced in the legal system on judges or to simply critique the legal systems of our countries. We know that judges and legal officials face many complex and vexing questions in their work. We recognize that we are describing manifestations of a larger social problem. And we acknowledge the history of our own discipline, anthropology, in the colonization and dispossession of Indigenous people. We want to tell the backstory of what happens in Indigenous litigation and to present our own partial ethnography of the legal system. Australian anthropologist Paul Burke noted the importance of the “process by which knowledge, views, arguments, and opinions that originate [End Page 391] in . . . anthropology are rendered into legal categories in the very different social field of law.”1 Similarly, Arthur Ray, a Canadian historian and expert witness, writes that to educate the court about Aboriginal history he “had to work through at least two intermediaries—the lawyers who retained me and those who opposed them.”2 We understand that the legal system and the courts themselves are not the domain of anthropology and that our disciplinary concepts and practices must, appropriately, be arranged to fit within the legal system. There are problems in giving testimony that arise with this approach, however. In particular, we focus on our common problem: the various difficulties in showing to the court the bias, stereotyping, and racism Indigenous peoples commonly face in quite different societies and legal orders and the consequences that flow from these attitudes. Examples are drawn from both criminal and civil litigation, as well as tribunals and commissions. We present our strategies to gain legal notice for these problems. We conclude that these issues in presenting anthropological understandings are strikingly similar in Brazilian civil law and Canadian common law. In fact, they are pancontinental features of settler colonial societies. There are significant differences as well, but communicative strategies can be shared across borders. brazilian indians and the criminal law Brazilian law guarantees a series of differentiated rights for Indigenous peoples inhabiting Brazil. These rights are related to many aspects such as specific educational and health services and the demarcation of the land that the Indians traditionally occupy. This legislation also provides differential treatment to Indigenous peoples charged and convicted in criminal cases, indicating, for example, that their sentences should be reduced and should be fulfilled close to their communities. However, this legal benefit has been systematically denied to the Natives through the presumption, by a large portion of jurists, that these Indians would be “integrated” or “acculturated,” which, in jurists’ view, would suffice for suspension of those rights. It turns out that most law enforcement officers have labeled the Indigenous as integrated/acculturated based on very superficial elements, such as possession of identity documents, some knowledge of the Portuguese language, the use of clothing, and even mestizo physical appearance. While some of this simplistic interpretation [End Page 392] is supported by the Natives’ own idiosyncrasies, it is also supported by Law 6001 of 1973, known as “the Indian Statute.” This is the law that provides the main legal definition of who the Indians are in the eyes of Brazilian...

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesScience and technology studies
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Qualitative · Consensus signal: Qualitative
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: Empirical
Teacher disagreement score0.218
Threshold uncertainty score0.997

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0010.005
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0000.000
Research integrity0.0000.000
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0000.000

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.010
GPT teacher head0.271
Teacher spread0.261 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it