MétaCan
Menu
Back to cohort
Record W4379804422 · doi:10.1353/nai.2018.a721568

Tatanga Ishtima hinkna Įyá Waká: Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rock and Assiniboine Dislocation and Persistence

2018· article· en· W4379804422 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Joshua Ben Horowitz

Bibliographic record

VenueNative American and Indigenous Studies · 2018
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldEnvironmental Science
TopicAmerican Environmental and Regional History
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsArchaeologyInscribed figureNational parkGeographyHistoryEthnologyAncient history

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Tatanga Ishtima hinkna Įyá Waká:Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rock and Assiniboine Dislocation and Persistence Joshua Horowitz (bio) On the crest of a ridge near Cree Crossing of the Milk River is a group of glacial boulders which from a distance resemble a herd of sleeping buffalo. They were held sacred by the Indians and one in particular was thought to be the leader. It is now part of this monument. … The tribeshave legends of the herds' origins, and long before the white men came sacrificed possessions to the Sleeping Buffalo. a person reading these words, inscribed on a plaque that was created by the National Register of Historic Places in 1995 and placed at a National Park Service site called the Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rock on Highway 2 in northern Montana, for the first time might assume the buffalo and local Indigenous peoples have vanished from the area. As the plaque mentions briefly, these two boulders were relocated from their original site, where they once sat among a herd of buffalo rocks at a place that Assiniboine people call Cree Crossing.1 What the plaque does not state is that they were moved at various times in the twentieth century, eventually being confined to the current site in the 1980s and then inducted into the National Historic Registry in 1995. As a result of settler displacement, the rocks survived three forced migrations. Settlers first removed them from their original resting place during a development project on private property in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.2 At that time, they were placed in a local city park. Then, twice later, in the late twentieth century, they were moved again to open locations along the interstate highway. An additional plaque at the site quotes a local Indigenous view of the two rocks. On it, Pat Chief Stick is quoted as saying, "These rocks are sacred, just like our old people. The mountains, the rocks, earth, water, all the mountains, all the ecology, and Indian religion. They are all connected."3 An important distinction between these two excerpts is that Chief Stick uses present tense, whereas the previous quote describes "Indians" and their [End Page 123] practices in the past tense. Local Indigenous peoples continue to revere the Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rocks. ________ Sites such as the Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rocks, held sacred by Assiniboine people and other local Indigenous peoples, have helped to keep bodies of cultural and environmental knowledge alive despite colonization, settlement, national borders, and reservation systems. Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rocks' original location during the prereservation era was important not only to the Assiniboine but also to other tribes such as the Cree, Blackfeet, Chippewa, Gros Ventre, Crow, Northern Cheyenne, and Sioux.4 Assiniboine people's well-being depends on their abilities to interact with the Makoche Wakan (Sacred Mother Earth), including rocks, springs, plants, animals, stars, and the weather. For the Assiniboine, sacred sites inform how they see themselves as a community belonging to a homeland. Heard primarily through Assiniboine voices, Assiniboine relationships to places retain significant cultural and historical meaning, as well as remain sources of medicine and spiritual power. The relationships between sacred sites such as the Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rocks, with animals such as the buffalo, and between Assiniboine people demonstrate a mutual interdependence and parallel histories, as both Assiniboine people and these two sacred rocks faced similar consequences of American and Canadian colonization, settlement, relocations, and confinement. Subsequently, Assiniboine people express a responsibility not only to their own sense of community but also to the lands they inhabit, to animals, and to sacred sites. Assiniboine people's relationships to places remain integral to their own sense of existence as a distinct people. By focusing on the Sleeping Buffalo and Medicine Rocks as an example of a central and important Assiniboine sacred site, I illustrate how dispersed Assiniboine communities across several reservations share a sense of commonality, kinship ties, and identity through their relationship to ancestral lands. Sacred sites link Assiniboine people between communities and their relationships to places, animals, plants, weather, stars, rocks, and water, despite the geopolitical constructions of reserves in Canada and reservations in the...

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame machine prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.000
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.001
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Qualitative · Consensus signal: Qualitative
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: none
Teacher disagreement score0.037
Threshold uncertainty score0.073

Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0000.001
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.001
Science and technology studies0.0120.007
Scholarly communication0.0040.003
Open science0.0010.004
Research integrity0.0020.003
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0070.001

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.022
GPT teacher head0.264
Teacher spread0.241 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designQualitative
Domainnot available
GenreEmpirical

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

Quick stats

Citations1
Published2018
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

Explore more

Same venueNative American and Indigenous StudiesSame topicAmerican Environmental and Regional HistoryFrench-language works237,207