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Record W4400168729 · doi:10.30622/tarr.1459713

The First Strike Attempts in Republican History: The 1925 Telegraphers’ Strike

2024· article· en· W4400168729 on OpenAlex

Why this work is in the frame

A frame that forgets how it found something cannot be audited. These are the routes that admitted this work.

aboutThe title or abstract carries a Canadian signal from the geographic lexicon.
no affNo Canadian affiliation: this work is invisible to an affiliation-only frame.
No Canadian affiliation. An affiliation-only frame, the usual design, would never have seen this work. It is one of the works that make the case for inverting the frame.

Bibliographic record

VenueTurkish Academic Research Review - Türk Akademik Araştırmalar Dergisi [TARR] · 2024
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicHistorical Turkish Studies
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsIndustrialisationQuarter (Canadian coin)ParliamentEconomic historyWorld War IIState (computer science)QuickeningPolitical scienceLawHistoryPoliticsArchaeology

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

In the 19th century, with industrialization in the West, the modern concepts of labor and workers began to emerge. In fact, in many countries of the world, there had been some revolts and resistances in working life in earlier periods. However, the strikes carried out by workers to protect their rights in today's sense were the product of the industrialization that started in England. In the Ottoman Empire, the paid working class began to emerge in the second half of the 19th century, when the state's industrialization efforts intensified in the light of developments in the West. In this period, workers took different attitudes that showed their dissatisfaction with the problems they encountered in working life, but the strike movements took place in the last quarter of the 19th century. With the declaration of the Second Constitutional Era on July 23, 1908, workers' movements began to increase. Therefore, on August 9, 1909, the “Tatil-i Eşgal Law”, which is the strike and lockout law, was accepted in the Meclisi Mebusan (Parliament). Although strike movements did not completely disappear with the acceptance of the “Tatil-i Eşgal Law”, they largely decreased. Workers' movements experienced a period of stagnation from 1914 onwards due to the effects of war conditions. After the signing of the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918, both the existing labor organizations established in 1908 and new labor organizations increased their activities. Consequently, the industrialization process that began in the West in the 19th century became a significant factor influencing labor movements and the protection of workers' rights. A similar process was experienced in the Ottoman Empire, however it developed under different conditions. With significant economic difficulties experienced throughout the country due to the destructive effects of World War I, The Armistice period was a challenging one for the Ottoman Empire. Owing to the long years of war and destruction, food stocks reached the point of depletion, and import routes were almost completely closed. This situation gave rise to a decrease in production in the Ottoman territories and a scarcity of consumer goods. Specifically, Istanbul felt these economic difficulties more intensively. The city faced both the direct impacts of the war and influxes of refugees. With the arrival of refugees, the population of Istanbul rapidly increased while resources gradually diminished. This deepened the economic bottleneck in the city even further. The scarcity of food and other essential commodities led to price increases and an increase in the activities of black marketeers. Black marketeers manipulated the economy by reaching scarce resources through illegitimate means and controlling prices. The situation was no different in Anatolia. War conditions negatively affected agricultural and production activities. The decrease in production naturally also affected exports negatively. Especially in many regions of Anatolia known for its agriculture-based economy, the quantity and quality of agricultural products decreased due to the war's effect. As a result, casualties were experienced both in the domestic market and in foreign trade. The Armistice period was also an economically challenging transitional period for the Ottoman Empire. Economic bottlenecks were experienced throughout the country due to the destructive effects of the war. During this period, not only Istanbul but also the entire country had to struggle with difficult economic conditions. The early years of the Republic of Türkiye marked an important period of transformation for the country. During this period, there was a restructuring of the state and intensified efforts towards modernization. However, the working class did not remain silent during this process. On the contrary, workers continued their activities through various associations and organizations to demand their rights. Workers demanding better conditions in the workplace attempted to make their voices heard by using effective tools such as strikes. Strikes became a common method that workers frequently resorted to defend their rights. Workers organized strikes to demand increases in wages, improvements in working hours, and better working conditions. One notable strike during the early years of the Republic was the attempted strike by telegraph workers in Adana, Samsun, and Trabzon in 1925. Although the strike fundamentally aimed to improve the wages and working conditions of telegraph workers, conflicting information provided by workers during the preparation of the strike's communication and text raised suspicions in Ankara. In this context, the chaotic environment in the country in 1925 led to the trial of telegraph workers who attempted the strike at the Ankara Independence Court.

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.041
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.022
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesMetaresearch, Meta-epidemiology (narrow), Science and technology studies, Open science, Research integrity, Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)
Consensus categoriesMetaresearch, Science and technology studies
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: Not applicable
GenreCandidate signal: Review · Consensus signal: Review
Teacher disagreement score0.166
Threshold uncertainty score1.000

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0410.022
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0010.001
Bibliometrics0.0010.010
Science and technology studies0.0040.005
Scholarly communication0.0000.001
Open science0.0060.001
Research integrity0.0010.011
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0010.001

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.188
GPT teacher head0.441
Teacher spread0.253 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it