Muslims and Democracy: An Empirical Critique of Fukuyama's Culturalist approach.(Francis Fukuyama)
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Introduction Since the nineteenth century the question of Islam and has been at the heart of intellectual debates in both the world and the West. Throughout this time-span three distinct but somewhat analogous strands of debates have emerged. One believes that the religion of Islam is incompatible with modem thinking and scientific rationality. The second posits the opposite view (i.e., a compatibility thesis). A third view posits that are some elements that can be incorporated, adapted, and adopted by the Islamic world but simultaneously rejects other elements of or deem them as alien. These three views have advocates both within and outside of the world. Their rationale to adopt a particular view may differ; Muslim advocates of the incompatibility thesis would advance their view in the name of cultural authenticity, while Western counterparts would advance their view in the name of, for example, ethnocentricity or secularism. Recently, Francis Fukuyama claimed that, in his view, Islam and are incompatible. He argued, there does seem to be something about Islam, or at least the fundamentalist versions of Islam that have been dominant in recent years, that makes Muslim societies particularly resistant to modernity (Fukuyama October 11, 2001). For Fukuyama, it is institutions such as liberal democracy and capitalism that characterize modernity. The prevalence of these two institutional systems in a given society qualifies that society as modern or, according to Fukuyama, as having reached the end of history (Fukuyama October 11, 2001). Fukuyama remains at the macro level of analysis. Accordingly, his claim will be tested at the appropriate level. Due to limitations of space, I will restrict the analysis to democracy. Fukuyama uses Islam as a yardstick that offers an easy cultural essentialist explanation for the absence of democracy from most Muslim countries. In this he converges with other culturalists blaming Islam for whatever goes wrong in a Muslim country. This cultural essentialism, when empirically tested, does not seem to offer much explanation. Is a better model that can explain the undemocratic nature of political systems in most Muslim countries, especially in the Middle East? In order to find out, we must test Fukuyama's theory in a Muslim context. The analysis will be carried out at the macro level and will focus on democracy as one dimension of modernity. It is beyond the scope of this paper to examine other manifestations. Even democracy will be examined at the abstract level, for instance, measuring support for democracy as an ideal form government as opposed to other forms of government. The data available from the World Values Survey (WVS) and European Values Survey EVS allow for comparative analysis covering 80 percent of the world population. At the macro level, two statistical techniques are implemented. First, a correlation analysis is used to establish the strength of the relationship between the dependent variables (support for democracy, years of uninterrupted democracy) and the independent variable (religiosity with a focus on Islam). Then, regression analysis is implemented to evaluate the impact of religiosity (Fukuyama's single explanatory variable is religion), Human Development, and Political Opportunity Structures (POS) upon support for democracy. The latter is meant to measure the over-stretched state structure in the Muslim Middle East. I argue that support for democratic ideals is universal, although the institutional state of democracy may not reach the ideal, or falls far short of it, in some societies (particularly Muslim societies). Many prominent scholars (Fukuyama 2001; Huntington 1996) have attributed this state of affairs to cultural factors. It is the aim of this paper to evaluate these claims. The data set, which consists of representative samples of each population, covers Islamic countries as varied as Arab-Islamic societies such as Jordan, Egypt, and Morocco and None-Arab Islamic societies such as Iran, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Turkey. …
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».