Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Augoustinos, M. & Reynolds, K., (Editors) 2001, London: Sage. ISBN 0 7619 6208 5. 362 pages. Prejudice Viewed from Down-Under A professor at major university in recently told my wife and I that is not in Auckland. Sadly, for reasons I describe below, I'd say is awash with prejudice. In my own life here, I've routinely experienced racist comments around Auckland's far North Shore. It might be lot different in Auckland's city centre (and elsewhere in New Zealand), but it's probably not reasonable to conclude that prejudice just isn't problem here. For instance, it is extremely rare in New Zealand (in my experience) to find professional university-degreed white folks from Britain, Canada, America, or northern Europe stocking grocery market shelves or cleaning toilets for living. It is, unfortunately, quite commonplace to find post-professional university-degreed non-white folks employed here in this way.... and indefinitely so. Most I've met speak excellent English (and probably have since kindergarten). But their accents betray that they are not Brits or Kiwis or North Americans. One immigrant I know of holds postgraduate degrees from two prestigious British universities. He formerly (and quite recently) served as full professor in high-tech field at prestigious university on the Mediterranean. Awarded abundant points on his New Zealand immigration form for his immense technical education, he's been here for few years now--driving taxicab. Another unfortunately typical example: husband and wife in strife-torn Sri Lanka had applied to the NZ immigration service only to be told that they were close enough to qualifying (with their Bachelors degrees) that they should pursue Masters degrees and then re-apply. In desperation, they forced themselves and their children to sacrifice normal family relations so that both parents could continue full-time employment while also completing an intensive (and expensive) full-time MBA programme in Sri Lanka. These parents had their children take care of themselves for two years under these stressful conditions--just to qualify for New Zealand immigration. Having been here over year now, they still work in menial entry-level employment (delivering morning newspapers house-to-house and working late-night shift pumping petrol into cars)--with personal finances so depleted by the move that additional relocation is highly unlikely. Just from my own casual acquaintances, I could easily provide dozen examples like this--I suspect many Aucklanders could. Obviously, the plural of anecdote is not necessarily data (anonymous aphorism) and the role of in this remains an empirical question--but if Kiwi business interests required this kind of deceptive points-based immigration to flatten local salary pressures, it surely has gone far enough (and doubtless went far enough several years ago). Collectively, we've immigrated tens of thousands of people into New Zealand under this sort of false premise--potentially destroying tens of thousands of careers (given the broad gaps this situation is placing into each such immigrant's CV). Over the past few years, I've heard New Zealand media commentators fretting about brain drain--and in this fretting, I don't recall the mention of under-employed immigrants with professional degrees and experience. The factors and motives that have created this sad situation will not all be connected to prejudice, but it's very likely component--and the outcome is shocking. It is, in my view, national travesty--and certainly suggests that may indeed be a in Auckland and elsewhere. Tragically, is nearly ubiquitous and usually insidious. Many of us probably first deal with it overtly and intentionally as kindergartners or primary schoolers via pejorative non-verbal cues or pathetic humor targeting some demographic group. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
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Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».