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Enregistrement W159897579

Children's Fitness and Activity Tax Credits: Why They Were Created and What They Are Intended to Do

2014· article· en· W159897579 sur OpenAlexvenueaboutno aff
JoAnne Sauder

Notice bibliographique

RevueHealth law journal · 2014
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueCanadian Policy and Governance
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésTax creditEarned income tax creditPublic economicsGovernment (linguistics)Ad valorem taxBusinessTax reformFinanceEconomics
DOInon disponible

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Introduction It has become increasingly common to use tax measures to address health issues. (1) In Canada, the tax system has long recognized the costs of accessing health services through such measures as the Medical Expense Tax Credit and the Disability Tax Credit. More recently, the federal and provincial governments have introduced a number of activity and fitness tax credits in recognition of the cost to parents of keeping their children active and physically fit. The most familiar of these activity/fitness credits are the federal government's Children's Fitness Tax Credit (CFTC) and the Children's Art Tax Credit (CATC). These federal and provincial credits vary as to their purpose, form, complexity and level of accessibility to Canadians families. This variation between the credits and the political discussion around these credits provides an opportunity to consider policy issues surrounding these credits and more generally, in using tax measures to address health issues. These credits are also a uniquely Canadian story, as Canada was the first, and thus far appears to be the only country, to introduce tax credits specifically to encourage physical activity in children. (2) I will begin this paper by explaining what the different credits are and how they came into existence. It is fascinating and useful to see how quickly the idea of a children's activity credit spread from a small credit in Nova Scotia in 2005, which cost their government about $1 million a year, (3) to credits costing over $250 million a year in 2013. (4) Additionally, if certain federal promises are kept, the cost of the credits could balloon to over $750 million a year in 2016. (5) Next I will consider why the credits were created. Were they intended to: (1) recognize the cost of children's activities; (2) reward parents for making healthy choices for their children; (3) be an incentive to put children in activities; (4) fulfil the government's responsibility to provide healthy activities for children outside of the school system; or (5) make the ruling party politically popular? Governments' intended aims appear to vary widely from reducing obesity and increasing physical fitness to bringing about other positive outcomes. The remainder of the paper will consider which groups benefit from the credits and whether they are a good policy choice. I conclude that although the goals of the credits are commendable, there is not an adequate policy base to justify the considerable expenditure these credits entail. These credits provide an opportunity to observe how small tax measures, including tax measures to promote health, can increase rapidly even when there is a lack of evidence regarding whether they will be effective. The literature on the credits has thus far focused specifically on the CFTC, evaluating its effectiveness as an incentive and equity concerns related to this credit. (6) This paper is intended to add to the literature by providing a broader consideration of the credits. It will do this by explaining not only what the credits are, what they are intended to do and whether they are fulfilling their intended goal, but also by exploring how and why they came to be. The Credits This section will explore chronologically how these credits began and expanded into new credits and into covering new areas. The first two credits introduced focused solely on physical activity in children. As more credits were introduced this focus expanded to covering children's activities more generally, to providing refundable credits (7) and providing a greater rate of return on the money spent by parents. The first credit provided was for a maximum $ 15 return, and the CFTC, the next credit introduced, a maximum $75 return. The highest rate of return currently is in Saskatchewan where the maximum return from the CFTC, CATC and the Saskatchewan credit is $300. Also of importance are differences in the amounts and types of expenditures that qualify parents to receive these returns. …

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,474
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0020,000
Communication savante0,0010,001
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,017
Tête enseignante GPT0,303
Écart entre enseignants0,286 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations3
Publié2014
Routes d'admission2
Résumé présentoui

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