Public Perception of Wrongful Conviction: Support for Compensation and Apologies
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
ABSTRACT (1) With over 280 post-conviction DNA exonerations through Innocence Projects in the United States alone and half a dozen Commissions of Inquiry into wrongful convictions in Canada, the public may be more aware of wrongful convictions than ever before. Recent research, however, has documented the paucity of resources available post-conviction for individuals who have been wrongly convicted, the limited and financial focus of current compensation statutes, the many difficulties in obtaining compensation, and the desire of many individuals who have been wrongly convicted to receive an apology for the injustices they have suffered. To investigate public perception of compensation, face-to-face interviews were conducted with fifteen community members. Findings suggest that all interviewees believed that individuals who have been wrongly convicted should receive compensation and apologies. Many felt these individuals needed financial compensation in order to start over, and that they deserved compensation because of the time they had lost while wrongly incarcerated and the damage done to their reputations. Interviewees also felt that public apologies would positively impact the Criminal Justice System, as well as benefit the wider community. Interviewees also mentioned a number of nonfinancial forms of compensation they felt wrongly convicted individuals should receive, including employment training and assistance, housing assistance, and other services. Although most interviewees reported not knowing how much money individuals received in compensation, they felt the dollar amount should be related to particular factors, such as the length of time wrongly incarcerated, character damage, and the impact on their health. Although these findings appear positive, it is noteworthy that forty percent of the sample brought up issues of the judicially released guilty during the interviews, perhaps suggesting that they felt wrongful conviction was of equal (or lower) importance as the guilty who got away. I. INRODUCTION: PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF WRONGFUL CONVICTION: SUPPORT FOR COMPENSATION AND APOLOGIES As of January 10, 2012, the Innocence Project had exonerated 289 American citizens through post-conviction DNA testing. (2) Samuel Gross, Kristen Jacoby, Daniel Matheson, Nicholas Montgomery, and Sujata Patel found 196 wrongful conviction cases in the United States from 1989 to 2003 where evidence other than DNA was used to declare a defendant not guilty of a crime for which he or she had been convicted. (3) In Canada, the Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted CAIDWYC) has played a role in the exoneration of eighteen Canadians. (4) Anthony Doob, however, surveyed defense counsel in the province of Ontario and found that nearly half of the sample (n=94; 46.3%) believed they had represented at least one client who was factually innocent but convicted to serve at least one year in prison. (5) Although the exact number of incarcerated innocents is unknown, (6) a conservative estimate of 0.5% of all convictions being wrongful convictions would translate into approximately 7,500 wrongful convictions in the United States in the year 2000 for index crimes alone (7) or roughly 1,000 innocent people incarcerated in the United Kingdom each year. (8) Innocence organizations exist internationally (e.g., Germany, Australia, Japan) (9) as there are thousands--if not tens of thousands--of individuals who have been wrongly convicted worldwide. Saundra Westervelt and Kimberly Cook argued that victims of wrongful conviction are often re-victimized post exoneration because the government fails to provide them with meaningful assistance (e.g., employment, housing, etc.). (10) In fact, many individuals who have been wrongly convicted do not receive anything from the government upon their release; particularly given that some do not even qualify for assistance provided to those rightly convicted and released on parole. …
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Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».