Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Contemporary research and teaching in medical ethics is unduly influenced by the imagery of stability, order and uniformity. Many commentators presume the existence of a placid social order and pay little regard to differences in understandings of birth, illness, suffering, death and the nature of healing. Moral philosophers such as John Rawls and Norman Daniels, for example, argue that with the existence of an ‘overlapping consensus,’ morality is in a state of ‘side reflective equilibrium’1. Tom Beauchamp and James Childress, two of the earliest proponents of the ‘principlist’ approach to bioethics, take this view2, as do advocates of case-based moral reasoning (casuistry) such as Albert Jonsen and Stephen Toulmin3. Notwithstanding methodological differences in the manner these philosophers address practical ethical issues in medicine and healthcare, all of them presume the existence of a stable, settled moral order. ‘Society’ is discussed in monolithic terms, and both principlists and casuists pay remarkably little attention to the role of religion and culture or ethnicity in shaping understandings of such topics as abortion, physician-assisted suicide, prenatal genetic testing, stem-cell research or the withdrawal of treatment in end-of-life care. Relying upon philosphical approaches that presume the existence of shared principles and moral paradigms, contemporary ethicists commonly neglect to address important differences in the moral understandings of particular religious communities and ethnic groups4. The notion of ‘common morality’ tends to obfuscate the complex realities of providing medical care in multicultural, multifaith societies5. In pluralistic settings, different interpretive communities can exist, with distinctive understandings of what constitutes moral conduct, forms of evidence and reasoned arguments6. In short, commentators on the ethics of medicine and healthcare greatly over-simplify their task by presuming widespread social support for norms and practices that are in reality subject to vigorous dispute. Let us consider the position of a physician or nurse in London, New York, Sydney or Toronto, where patients come from diverse cultural and religious backgrounds. Some patients wish to receive detailed information about their diagnosis, prognosis, and treatment options. Other patients follow a different cultural script, expecting family members to make important health-related decisions and shield them from ‘bad news’. Some patients, fearful that they will become captive to sophisticated medical technologies, prepare advance directives refusing various possible medical interventions. Others, perhaps because of deep religious belief, want ‘everything done’, and insist on cardiopulmonary resuscitation even in circumstances deemed medically futile by healthcare providers. Some families seek to practise their religious traditions by asking physicians to circumcise their male children—an act that other groups see as child abuse and a violation of human rights. Members of some right-to-die organizations insist that compassionate healthcare providers and legislators would permit physician-assisted suicide, whereas members of many Jewish, Muslim and Christian religious communities declare that legalization of physician-assisted suicide would seriously devalue human life. To contribute usefully to contemporary debates, ethicists need to better address the multiethnic, multifaith character of contemporary social settings7. They need to recognize the existence of a plurality of ‘communities of interpretation’ and ‘local moral worlds’8.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,060 | 0,089 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,004 | 0,002 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,002 | 0,001 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,005 | 0,061 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,002 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; les deux têtes enseignantes s’accordent sur ce qui est montré ici.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».