Flexing the Tensions of Female Muscularity: How Female Bodybuilders Negotiate Normative Femininity in Competitive Bodybuilding
Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base
Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Times have changed; they're looking for a mixture of muscularity and and you have to be able to have both and these girls have a hard time figuring that out. Kate, interview transcript, 2002 Since the First Women's World Bodybuilding Championship in Los Angeles in 1979,i the relationship between and muscularity has been the central problematic of the sport. Throughout the 1980s and 90s female bodybuilding flourished, as did the size of the athletes. Early pioneers such as Bev Francis, Lenda Murray, Carla Dunlap, and Cory Everson pushed female muscularity way beyond the sport's initial beauty pageant boundaries. However, these gains did not occur without growing moral panic-to the extent that gender-bending bodies are now being attributed to the death of women's bodybuilding as a spectator sport (Williams 2000:105). The most recent responses from bodybuilding gatekeepers to the increased muscularity of female competitors include the formalization of femininity as a judging criterion and the erasure of serious reporting on women's bodybuilding competitions in the bodybuilding media. Wayne DeMilla, vice president of the International Federation of Bodybuilding (IFBB), explained the factors that forced these developments to Iron Man magazine: We saw that as the physiques became more extreme, we couldn't market it. At the beginning of 2000, we sent out a criteria (sic) that the athletes had to come in with more of an emphasis on symmetry and muscularity and that the face would be judged. We also switched to weight divisions so that the smaller women wouldn't have to try and get big like the larger girls. The Sandwich 2001:12 DeMilla's explanation not only underscores the growing intolerance for female hypermuscularity and persistence of sexism within bodybuilding, but it also signals a much more widespread cultural abhorrence for female strength and muscularity. The decision by the IFBB to actively institute femininity as an official judging criterion, while masculinity remains implicit with muscularity in men's bodybuilding competition, mirrors shift within American politics toward an increasingly conservative ideology. These shifts can be understood as a response to the gains made by feminist and civil-rights movements over the past few decades. In this context, developments in the patriarchal institution of women's bodybuilding can be understood as part of a broader cultural effort to protect normative sex, gender, and heterosexual identity paradigms that the specters of hypermuscular female bodies attack. This essay examines the responses of some female bodybuilders to the current conservative shifts within their sport. I draw on data from my interviews with six competitive female bodybuilders conducted in Vancouver during the fall of 2002.ii Although bodybuilding is popular in other nations and continents, including Australia, China, Japan, and Europe, my focus in this essay is specifically on the original American institution of bodybuilding as it is enacted in the Canadian context. Known as the International Federation of Bodybuilding (IFBB), this institution acts as an international gatekeeper for the rules and regulations of men's and women's bodybuilding competitions. The most prestigious professional events are presided over by the IFBB and are held in the United States. Although different bodybuilding federations in other countries may diverge along some judging lines, they are all shaped by the rules and regulations set by the IFBB. Competitive bodybuilding in Canada is closely shaped by the IFBB and therefore provides a useful context to examine some of the most recent and significant developments in women's bodybuilding. My focus here is on two compelling themes that arose from my interviews: (1) constructions of the ideal female bodybuilder-how my participants negotiate gender, race, heterosexual, and class norms in their attitudes toward female muscularity and (2) performing normative in bodybuilding competition-how my participants negotiate expectations to perform heterosexuality and middle-class in bodybuilding competition. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,002 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle