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Enregistrement W1970411992 · doi:10.1080/13533312.2012.709753

A Double-edged Sword of Peace? Reflections on the Tension between Representation and Protection in Gendering Liberal Peacebuilding

2012· article· en· W1970411992 sur OpenAlex

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Notice bibliographique

RevueInternational Peacekeeping · 2012
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiquePeacebuilding and International Security
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésPeacebuildingSociologyGender studiesInternational relationsScrutinyFeminismPoliticsAgency (philosophy)Political scienceLawPolitical economySocial science

Résumé

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Abstract Using a postcolonial-feminist approach, this article argues that the way in which gender is framed in peace interventions is symptomatic of the hegemonic way in which the discourses about the representation and protection of women within the liberal intervention model are constructed and institutionalized. Through an analysis of international discourses on the politics of inclusion/exclusion, protection, as well as sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), it illustrates the disempowering effect of instrumentalist interpretations of women's agency. The article concludes that the embedded violence of liberal peacebuilding becomes even more pronounced when the gendered inner workings of international organizations, among others, are placed under scrutiny. It proposes a critical postcolonial-feminist vision that is resistant to universalist conceptions of women, gender and self to overcome the under-theorized gender dimensions of liberal peacebuilding. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This article is partly based upon research conducted while the author was a Peace Studies research fellow at the Consortium for Peace Studies, University of Calgary, Canada in 2010. Notes Kathleen Kuehnast, ‘President Obama's Speech and Gender’, Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace, 20 May 2011 (at: www.usip.org/publications/president-obamas-speech-and-gender). Mary Hope Schwoebel, ‘Women and the Arab Spring’, Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace, 5 May 2011 (at: www.usip.org/publications/women-and-the-arab-spring). Ibid; Kuehnast (see n.1 above). Kathleen R. Carter, ‘Should International Relations Consider Rape a Weapon of War?’, Politics & Gender, Vol.6, No.3, 2010, pp.356–60. Sanam Anderlini, ‘Translating Global Agreement into National and Local Commitments’, in Kathleen Kuehnast, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Helga Hernes (eds), Women and War: Power and Protection in the 21 st Century, Washington, DC: US Institute of Peace Press, 2011, pp.23–4. See, for instance, Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security, London: Zed Books, 2001; Oliver P. Richmond, ‘The Problem of Peace: Understanding the “Liberal Peace”’, Conflict, Security & Development, Vol.6, No.3, 2006, pp.291–314; Richmond, Peace in International Relations, London: Routledge, 2008; Vivienne Jabri, ‘War, Government, Politics: A Critical Response to the Hegemony of the Liberal Peace’, in Richmond (ed.), Palgrave Advances in Peacebuilding: Critical Developments and Approaches, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, pp.41–57. Relatively speaking, far fewer texts offer a gender critique of peacebuilding. See, for instance, Vivienne Jabri, ‘Feminist Ethics and Hegemonic Global Politics’, Alternatives, Vol.29, No.3, 2004, pp.265–84; Tarja Väyrynen, ‘Gender and UN Peace Operations: The Confines of Modernity’, International Peacekeeping, Vol.11, No.1, 2004, pp.125–42; Väyrynen, ‘Gender and Peacebuilding’, in Richmond (ed.), Palgrave Advances in Peacebuilding: Critical Developments and Approaches, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, pp.137–53. Eli Stamnes, ‘The Responsibility to Protect: Integrating Gender Perspectives into Policies and Practices’, Report No.8, Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2010, pp.5, 11. The UN Special Envoy for Libya, Abdul Elah al-Khatib, warned that the grave humanitarian conditions following Gaddafi's threat of violence against the demonstrators included ‘significant’ protection concerns over gender-based violence. See UNifeed, ‘UN/Libya’, 4 Apr. 2011 (at: www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/d/17361.html). US Ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice, also told the Security Council that evidence (referring to the allegations that Libyan government soldiers had been issued Viagra to increase their potential to perform mass rapes) did indeed exist of widespread raping of women within the opposition by Libyan forces. Gordon Lubold, ‘Libyan Forces Use Rape as Weapon of War, Experts Say’, Washington DC: US Institute of Peace, 9 June 2011 (at: www.usip.org/publications/libyan-forces-use-rape-weapon-war). Johann Galtung, Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization, London: Sage, 1996, p.112. See Neil Cooper, Mandy Turner and Michael Pugh, ‘The End of History and the Last Liberal Peacebuilder: A Reply to Roland Paris’, Review of International Studies, Vol.37, No.4, 2011, pp.1995–2007. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’, in Cary Nelson and Larry Grossberg (eds), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1988, pp.271–313, reprinted in Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman (eds), Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader, New York: Harvester/Wheatsheaf, 1994, pp.66–111. Jeff Huysmans, cited in Benjamin Sovacool and Saul Halfon, ‘Reconstructing Iraq: Merging Discourses of Security and Development’, Review of International Studies, Vol.33, No.2, 2007, p.228. Julietta Hua and Holly Nigorizawa, ‘US Sex Trafficking, Women's Human Rights and the Politics of Representation’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol.12, No.3/4, 2010, pp.416–7. As in Spivak (see n.11 above), p.70. Mandy Turner and Michael Pugh, ‘Towards a New Agenda for Transforming War Economies’, Conflict, Security & Development, Vol.6, No.3, 2006, pp.471–9; Oliver, P. Richmond, ‘A Genealogy of Peace and Conflict Theory’, in Richmond (ed.) Palgrave Advances (see n.6 above), p.22. Roger Southall, ‘Africa in the Contemporary World’, in Patrick J. McGowan, Scarlett Cornelissen and Philip Nel (eds), Power, Wealth and Global Equity: An International Relations Textbook for Africa, Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 2006, p.230. Sylvia Chant and Carolyn Pedwell, Women, Gender and the Informal Economy: An Assessment of ILO Research and Suggested Ways Forward, Geneva: International Labour Office, 2008, p.1. Caroline O.N. Moser, ‘Gender Planning in the Third World: Meeting Practical and Strategic Needs’, in Rebecca Grant and Kathleen Newland (eds), Gender and International Relations, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991, p.87. Jabri, ‘War, Government, Politics’ (see n.6 above), p.42. Ibid. Also, Francis M. Deng, ‘Reconciling Sovereignty with Responsibility: A Basis for International Humanitarian Action’, in John W. Harbeson and Donald Rothchild (eds), Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Order, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009, pp.345–83. Alyson M. Cole, ‘The Other V-Word: The Politics of Victimhood Fueling George W. Bush's War Machine’, in Robin L. Riley, Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Minnie Bruce Pratt (eds), Feminism and War: Confronting US Imperialism, London: Zed Books, 2008, pp.117–30. Kenneth Katzman, ‘Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance’, Washington DC: Congressional Research Service, 2012 (at: www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS21922.pdf), p.54. Ibid., pp.53, 56. Ibid., p.29. Ibid., p.53. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ‘Three Women's Texts and a Critique of Imperialism’, Critical Inquiry, Vol.12, No.1, 1985, p.243. Anna M. Agathangelou and Lily H. M. Ling, ‘Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire from September 11’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol.48, No.3, 2004, p.518. Rita Abrahamsen, ‘African Studies and the Postcolonial Challenge’, African Affairs, Vol.102, No.407, 2003, p.190. Berit Bliesemann de Guevara and Florian P. Kühn, ‘The International Community Needs to Act: Loose Use and Empty Signalling of a Hackneyed Concept’, International Peacekeeping, Vol.18, No.2, 2011, p.137. Jorg Meyer, ‘The Concealed Violence of Modern Peace(-Making)’, Millennium – Journal of International Studies, Vol.36, No.3, 2008, p.555. Jabri, ‘War, Government, Politics’ (see n.6 above), p.42. Chiyuki Aoi, Cedric De Coning and Ramesh Thakur, ‘Unintended Consequences, Complex Peace Operations and Peacebuilding Systems’, in Aoi, De Coning and Thakur (eds), Unintended Consequences of Peacekeeping Operations, New York: UN University Press, 2007, p.7. Shahnaz Khan, ‘Afghan Women: The Limits of Colonial Rescue’, in Riley et al. (see n.21 above), pp.173–4. Elisabeth Prügl, ‘Feminist International Relations’, Politics & Gender, Vol.7, No.1, 2011, p.112. Yvonne Benschop and Mieke Verloo, ‘“Sisyphus” Sisters: Can Gender Mainstreaming Escape the Genderedness of Organizations?’, Journal of Gender Studies, Vol.15, No.1, 2006, p.19. Megan Bastick, ‘Integrating Gender in Post-Conflict Security Sector Reform’, Policy Paper 29, Geneva: Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), 2008, p.16. Teresa Rees, ‘Reflections on the Uneven Development of Gender Mainstreaming in Europe’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol.7, No.4, 2005, pp.555–74. UN Security Council Resolution 1325, 31 Oct. 2000 (at: www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf); UN Security Council Resolution 1820, 19 Jun. 2008 (at: www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/BasicWPSDocs/scr1820english.pdf). Since then follow-up resolutions have been adopted to facilitate implementation: 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009) and 1960 (2010). Christine Bell and Catherine O'Rourke, ‘Peace Agreements or Pieces of Paper? The Impact of UNSC Resolution 1325 on Peace Processes and Their Agreements’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, Vol.59, No.4, Oct. 2010, p.945. For a positive interpretation see Torunn L. Tryggestad, ‘Trick or Treat? The UN and Implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security’, Global Governance, Vol.15, No.4, 2009, pp.539–57; Laura J. Shepherd, ‘Sex, Security and Superhero(in)es: From 1325 to 1820 and Beyond’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol.13, No.4, 2011, pp.504–21. For a less optimistic view, see Carol Cohn, ‘Mainstreaming Gender in UN Security Policy: A Path to Political Transformation?’, in Shirin M. Rai and Georgina Waylen (eds), Global Governance: Feminist Perspectives, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, pp.186–91. Laura Sjoberg and Caron E. Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores: Women's Violence in Global Politics, London: Zed Books, 2007; Azzain Mohamed, ‘From Instigating Violence to Building Peace: The Changing Role of Women in Darfur Region of Western Sudan’, African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol.4, No.1, 2004, pp.11–26. Sebastian Junger, War, New York: Twelve, 2010. Cynthia Cockburn, ‘Snagged On The Contradiction: NATO, UNSC Resolution 1325, and Feminist Responses’, No to War – No to NATO Annual Meeting, Dublin, 15–17 April 2011 (at: www.wloe.org/fileadmin/Files-EN/PDF/no_to_nato/women_nato_2011/NATO1325.pdf). Cohn (see n.40 above), pp.197–8. Nicola Pratt and Sophie Richter-Devroe, ‘Critically Examining UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol.13, No.4, 2011, p.494. Fionnuala Ní Aoláin and Eilish Rooney, ‘Underenforcement and Intersectionality: Gendered Aspects of Transition for Women’, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, Vol.1, No.3, 2007, pp.349–50. Bell and O'Rourke (see n.39 above), p.945. Anderlini (see n.5 above), p.21; Carter (see n.4 above), p.346; Amy Barrow, ‘UN Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820: Constructing Gender in Armed Conflict and International Humanitarian Law’, International Review of the Red Cross, Vol.92, No.877, 2010, p.234. See, for instance, Sjoberg and Gentry (see n.41 above), as opposed to Megan Bastick and Kristin Valasek (eds), ‘Gender and Security Sector Reform Toolkit’, Geneva: DCAF, OSCE/ODIHR, UN-INSTRAW, 2008; Margaret Verwijk, Developing the Security Sector: Security for Whom, by Whom?, The Hague: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2007. Bastick (see n.36 above), pp.13–14; Olivera Simić, ‘Does the Presence of Women Really Matter? Towards Combating Male Sexual Violence in Peacekeeping Operations’, International Peacekeeping, Vol.17, No.2, 2010, p.194. Kristin Valasek, ‘Security Sector Reform and Gender’, in Bastick and Valasek (eds), (see n.49 above), pp.6–8. Interview by author with Thida Khus, Silaka, Phnom Penh, July 2008. Eric Scheye, ‘State-provided Service, Contracting out, and Non-state Networks: Justice and Security as Public and Private Goods and Services’, Paris: OECD, 2009 (at: www.oecd.org/dataoecd/43/8/43599221.pdf), pp.6–7. Ibid., p.8. Aili Mari Tripp, Isabel Casimiro, Joy Kwesiga and Alice Mungwa, African Women's Movements: Changing Political Landscape, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009, pp.195–6. Ronald Inglehart, Pippa Norris and Christian Welzel, ‘Gender Equality and Democracy’, Comparative Sociology, Vol.1, Nos 3-4, 2002, pp.321–45. Tripp et al. (see n.55 above), pp.8–9. Josephine Ahikire, ‘Women's Engagement with Political Parties in Contemporary Africa: Reflections on Uganda's Experience’, Policy Brief 65, Johannesburg: Centre for Policy Studies, 2009 (at: www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/Academic/part_womensengagementpoliticalpartiesafricauganda_ahikire_2010.pdf). Valasek (see n.51 above), pp.4–5. Simić (see n.50 above), p.189. Ibid., p.194. Sandra Whitworth, Men, Militarism & UN Peacekeeping: A Gendered Analysis, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004, p.17. Paul Higate, ‘Peacekeepers, Masculinities, and Sexual Exploitation’, Men and Masculinities, Vol.10, No.1, 2007, pp.99–119. Iris Marion Young, ‘The Logic of Masculinist Protection: Reflections on the Current Security State’, Signs, Vol.29, No.1, 2003, p.6. Jennie E. Burnet, ‘Gender Balance and the Meanings of Women in Governance in Post-Conflict Rwanda’, African Affairs, Vol.107, No.427, 2008, pp.361–86. Bell and O'Rourke (see n.39 above), p.976. Amnesty International, ‘Côte d'Ivoire: Targeting Women: The Forgotten Victims of the Conflict’, Washington, DC: Amnesty International,15 Mar. 2007. Eve Ayiera, ‘Sexual Violence in Conflict: A Problematic International Discourse’, Feminist Africa, No.14, 2010, pp.10–11. Ibid., pp.14–15. Janie L. Leatherman, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict, Cambridge: Polity, 2011, p.12. Meredeth Turshen, ‘The Political Economy of Rape: An Analysis of Systematic Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women During Armed Conflict in Africa’, in Caroline O.N. Moser and Fiona C. Clark (eds), Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence, London: Zed, 2001, pp.55–68. The term ‘accumulation by dispossession’ refers to neoliberal capitalist policies such as privatization that have led to a centralization of wealth and power in the hands of a few, David Harvey, The New Imperialism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005; Ellen Meiksins Wood, Empire of Capital, London: Verso, 2003. Chris Dolan, War is Not Yet Over, Community Perceptions of Sexual Violence and its Underpinnings in Eastern DRC, London: International Alert, 2010. Robert Jenkins and Anne-Marie Goetz, ‘Addressing Sexual Violence in Internationally Mediated Peace Negotiations’, International Peacekeeping, Vol.17, No.2, 2010, pp.263, 275. V-Day, ‘Violence in the DRC: Background’ (at: www.vday.org/drcongo/background). ‘Kadhafi Used Rape as Weapon of War, Moreno-Ocampo Claims’, RFI English, 9 June 2011 (at: http://allafrica.com/stories/201106090579.html). See Niels Nagelhus Schia and Benjamin De Carvalho, ‘“Nobody Gets Justice Here!” Addressing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence and the Rule of Law in Liberia’, Working Paper 761, Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2009. The report contends that in Liberia the establishment of Women and Children Protection Sections (WACPS) next to police stations in urban areas alone is a quick fix by the international community to address SGBV without taking cognizance of the broader framework of the reconstruction of both statutory and customary rule of law institutions. Cohn (see n.40 above), p.205. Abrahamsen (see n.28 above), p.209. William K. Carroll, ‘Hegemony, Counter-Hegemony, Anti-Hegemony’, Socialist Studies, Vol.2, No.2, 2006, p.30. Nancy Fraser, ‘Reframing Justice in a Globalizing World’, New Left Review, Vol.36, Nov.–Dec. 2005, p.73.

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Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,002
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,001
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Observationnel · Signal consensuel: Observationnel
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,481
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,461

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0020,001
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,001
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

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Tête enseignante Opus0,217
Tête enseignante GPT0,422
Écart entre enseignants0,204 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle