MétaCan
Menu
Retour à la cohorte
Enregistrement W2012203602 · doi:10.3828/bjcs.18.2.1

Introduction: Scotland and Québec: An evolving comparison

2005· article· en· W2012203602 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Ailsa Henderson, Colin M. Coates

Notice bibliographique

RevueBritish Journal of Canadian Studies · 2005
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiquePolitical Systems and Governance
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésReferendumNationalismPoliticsPopulationDemocracyPolitical scienceState (computer science)Home ruleImmigrationGovernment (linguistics)Political economyGenealogyLawSociologyHistoryDemography

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Scotland and Quebec share many features. Both are nations within larger states, strongly identified by their distinctive institutions and traditions. Both have experienced some three decades of constitutional debate, animated most recently by social democratic nationalist parties. Moreover, their shared historical connection to the British Empire has created many demographic links and institutional similarities. The rise of nationalism at the ballot box in the 1970s, not to mention the referendums on measures of self-government, make comparisons between the two convenient. In contemporary academic parlance, they both have become exemplars, along with Catalonia, of the 'stateless nation', although as Quebecois scholars point out, the extensive powers wielded by the province give it a presence as a 'state'. It is also easy to highlight differences between the two nations. Quebec has twice the population of Scotland, and is host to visible minority and immigrant communities that are much larger than in Scotland. Quebec is often seen as an example of ethnic nationalism, prioritising birth and language, while Scottish nationalism is often associated with civic markers such as political values and residency. Academics are not the only ones to make comparisons between the two nations. Politicians and journalists in both places have used the other to prove a point. For instance, in September 2002, the First Minister of Scotland, Jack McConnell, used the occasion of the annual British Labour Party meeting to make such a comparison. He criticised the Scottish National Party (SNP) plan to hold a referendum on the constitutional future of Scotland by referring to economic difficulties in Quebec at the time of the 1995 referendum.1 Similarly, extensive Quebecois media interest accompanied the referendum for a Scottish Parliament in 1997. The comparison between Scotland and Quebec provides both positive and negative fodder for political discussions. For nationalists in Scotland, Quebec provides a positive example of a nation largely controlling its culture and economy. Quebec's ability to control such diverse policy areas as pensions and education proves that nations within states can exercise substantial jurisdictions. For Quebec nationalists, Scotland serves as an example of a broadly recognised nation. Long before the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, the United Kingdom provided clear political acknowledgement of Scotland's distinctiveness: a separate question time at Westminister for Scottish issues, a separate bureaucracy north of the border, and dedicated ministers within the Scottish Office. Such acceptance of Scotland's status as a nation contrasts markedly with the painful and drawn-out debate in Canada over the recognition of Quebec as a 'distinct society' in constitutional terms. In Scotland, more of the political debate has focused on the nature of political reform and less on whether the Scots exist as 'a people'. Even for some federalists in Canada, the creation of the Scottish Parliament has served as evidence that British attempts at devolution mimic the effectiveness of current Canadian constitutional arrangements. As a corollary, these federalists would contend, advocates of a greater degree of sovereignty in Quebec should instead be happy with the constitutional status quo. Clearly, comparison of the two 'stateless nations' can serve many purposes. Historical parallels As many of the chapters in this book contend, the histories of Scotland and Quebec run parallel in many places. Both Scotland and Quebec experienced integration into the British Empire in the eighteenth century, Scotland through the Act of Union of 1707 that saw the disappearance of the local parliament and Quebec through the Conquest of 1759-60. The histories of the two regions come together in the person of James Wolfe. Aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Henry Hawley at the defeat of the Jacobite army at Culloden in 1746, Wolfe was the general commanding British forces (including erstwhile Jacobites) at Quebec in 1759. …

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,001
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,203
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,408

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,001
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,030
Tête enseignante GPT0,307
Écart entre enseignants0,277 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations2
Publié2005
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

Explorer davantage

Même revueBritish Journal of Canadian StudiesMême sujetPolitical Systems and GovernanceTravaux en français237 207