Framing Free Trade Agreements: The Politics of Nationalism in the Anti-Neoliberal Globalization Movement in South Korea
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Résumé
Abstract This paper offers a critical analysis of the current political trajectory of the anti-neoliberal globalization movement (ANGM) in South Korea. Drawing on framing theory, it analyzes the ways in which the Korean ANGM interpreted a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States. This article postulates that national sovereignty was the master frame of the Korean ANGM and that the movement has projected the nation-state as the ethical guardian of 'national interests' without specifying an alternative trading or economic model that can better serve the interests of the people. Thus, through pointing out the shortcomings of a nationalist framing that ignores the class relations and conflicting interests that ultimately shape the contents of any trade or economic development model, this article seeks to bring attention to the limitations of the ANGM as well as the need to develop alternatives to the existing global trading system. Este artículo ofrece una visión crítica de la trayectoria política del movimiento de globalización antineoliberal (ANGM, por sus siglas en inglés) en Corea del Sur. Extrayendo de una teoría enmarcada, el artículo analiza las maneras como el movimiento de globalización antineoliberal enmarcó un tratado de libre comercio (FTA, por sus siglas en inglés) con los Estados Unidos y luego discute las limitaciones y las deficiencias de la enmarcación del movimiento del tratado de libre comercio. Sostiene que la soberanía nacional fue la enmarcación principal del movimiento coreano y que la enmarcación nacionalista del tratado de libre comercio, no era fundamentalmente diferente del discurso hegemónico de la elite coreana, sobre el tratado de libre comercio. También asume que dado que los principales prognósticos de los marcos del movimiento se enfocaron al proteccionismo selectivo y capitalismo de bienestar, tendieron a limitar el rango de alternativas a la globalización neoliberal. Keywords: free tradenationalismneoliberalismsocial movementsSouth KoreaEast Asia Notes Although there are differences between the Korean ANGM and the Korean anti-FTA movement, they are used interchangeably throughout this paper for the following reasons. Although the anti-FTA movement has more broad constituencies and supporter milieus, the key organizational forces that make up the anti-FTA coalition greatly overlap with the major actors that are the driving force behind the anti-globalization movement in South Korea. The key groups in the Korean ANGM are: the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), the Korean Framers' Association (Choˇnnong), the Democratic Labour Party (DLP), and the Korean People's Alliance (Minjung yoˇndae), the National Coalition for Democracy (Choˇn'gukyoˇnhap), various federations of student unions (e.g., Hanch'ongnyoˇn and the 21st Chindaeryoˇn), People's Solidarity for Social Progress (Sahoejinboyoˇndae), and the Power of the Working Class (Nodongjauˇi him). Mercosur is a regional trade bloc in Latin America. Its member countries include Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. Members of ART (Alliance for Responsible Trade) organizations include: the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), Friends of the Earth, Global Exchange, the Union of Needle Trades, the Industrial and Textile Employees, the United Brotherhood of Teamsters, among others. It enables transnational corporations to file lawsuits against the state for the loss of anticipated future profits if government's policies are regarded as interference to free competition in the market. See Park Citation(2007) for a history of the DLP and the KCTU. To broaden the range of alternative politics, it is necessary to critique the nationalist politics of NL, which dominates most sectors of social movements. The internal schism in the DLP, especially over nationalism and the pro-North Korean stance, led to a split of the party, creating the Progressive New Party (PNP) in 2008. This split prompted a debate in the KCTU over its exclusive support for DLP as the pro-PD faction in KCTU threatened to defect from the DLP (Y.-W. Lee, Citation2008). In the general election of April 2008, both the DLP and the PNP did poorly, garnering only about 8.5% of the votes in total, as many radical left groups, critical of both the DLP and the PNP, decided not to participate. Despite this electoral failure, the split may provide an opportunity for socialist or anti-capitalist activists to emerge as an independent political force. The hegemonic leadership of the nationalist NL-led DLP has now ended, in the face of growing criticism from the left factions in Korean ANGM, which have included the PNP, the Korean Socialist Party, the Power of the Working Class, Liberation & Solidarity (haebang yoˇndae), the Socialist Workers' League (sahoejuuˇi nodongja yoˇnhap), and the National Political Council of Workers (choˇn'guk nodongja choˇngch'i hyoˇbuˇihoe). It must, however, be acknowledged that Korean activists face tremendous political difficulty in their endeavor to push their alternatives due to the anti-communist National Security Law (NSL) that persecutes leftists. Initially, ALBA consisted of only two member states: Venezuela and Cuba. At present, ALBA has four full member states (Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela) and four observer states (Ecuador, Uruguay, the Dominican Republic, and St. Kitts) (Hattingh, Citation2008).
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