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Enregistrement W2045658019 · doi:10.1353/nin.2010.0007

Commissioner A. B. "Happy" Chandler and the Integration of Major League Baseball: A Reassessment

2010· article· en· W2045658019 sur OpenAlexvenueno aff
John P. Hill

Notice bibliographique

RevueNine · 2010
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineArts and Humanities
ThématiqueAmerican Sports and Literature
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésLeagueEconomic historyPolitical scienceHistoryLaw

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Commissioner A. B. "Happy" Chandler and the Integration of Major League Baseball:A Reassessment John Paul Hill (bio) On April 24, 1945, United States Senator and former Kentucky governor A. B. "Happy" Chandler learned that he had been elected the second commissioner of Major League Baseball. Chandler's six-year tenure in this post would prove to be a momentous period in the history of the national pastime. Attendance surged due to the postwar economic boom, the major leagues established the first pension plan for players, and the game beat back the Mexican League's vigorous efforts to lure away top talent. Yet the far most significant development of Chandler's term occurred in 1947 when Jackie Robinson became the first black player in the major leagues in more than sixty years. Although Robinson's debut did not end discrimination in organized baseball, it gradually opened the door to hundreds of athletes who had long been excluded due to their race, and it served as a rallying point for millions of blacks across America—especially those living in the segregated South—who sought an end to racial injustice. The extent of Chandler's role in the demise of baseball's color barrier is a matter of dispute among baseball observers. In later years, Chandler himself often declared that Robinson "couldn't have played" without his intervention. 1 He also maintained that his endorsement of integration cost him his job because it angered the owners, who were strongly prosegregation. Siding with Chandler, noted Negro-league scholar John Holway has argued that Chandler's leadership was indispensable to integration's success.2 Longtime Brooklyn Dodgers announcer Walter "Red" Barber believed that Chandler's support was "absolutely pivotal."3 William J. Marshall, author of Baseball's Pivotal Era, 1945-1951, maintains that Chandler was not a central figure in the integration of the sport, but he nevertheless contends that "without the commissioner's support the integration of baseball might not have occurred until well into the 1950s."4 Historian Jules Tygiel, by contrast, has written that Chandler was a "bit player" in the demise of Jim Crow baseball.5 Frank Slocum, who worked [End Page 28] in the National League front office in 1946 and served as an executive with the Dodgers in 1947 and 1948, made a similar assertion in a 1991 interview: "It was Branch Rickey that [sic] got Robinson into organized baseball. Whatever Chandler did was forced on him."6 Holway, Barber, and other pro-Chandler advocates overstate the commissioner's involvement in the Robinson saga. Tygiel, Slocum, and others, meanwhile, dismiss Chandler too quickly. A close examination of the record reveals that although Chandler played a smaller role than he and his supporters maintained, his actions promoted the success of baseball's "great experiment." At the time of Chandler's election, professional baseball's color barrier was more than a half-century old. After the first recorded game in 1846, the sport became so popular that by the late 1860s communities nationwide were organizing teams and leagues. These teams and leagues usually divided along racial lines, but a few rural teams, lacking an adequate population base from which to recruit sufficient white talent, occasionally fielded a black player or two. Prejudice toward black players was strong, however. In 1867, the National Association of Base Ball Players (NABBP), the governing body of the amateur leagues, officially banned blacks.7 The professional leagues, which date to 1871, at first permitted interracial play, but few blacks entered their ranks. Fewer than thirty played for professional teams during the 1880s and 1890s.8 In the mid-1880s, white players and fans' persistent hostility toward black players convinced the baseball establishment that African Americans must be forced out of the professional leagues. Fans in Richmond, Virginia, threatened to lynch a black player if he appeared in a game, and some all-white teams refused to play integrated squads if their black players took the field. Fearful that this racial unrest would jeopardize their business interests, team owners and league officials systematically terminated blacks' employment. At the conclusion of the 1884 season, the major leagues became entirely white when the American Association's Toledo Blue...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: aucune
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,938
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,979

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0220,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,013
Tête enseignante GPT0,235
Écart entre enseignants0,223 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2010
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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