The Sixth Toe: The Modern Culinary Role of the Guinea Pig In Southern Peru

In Peru modern perceptions of class, ethnicity, and social identity dictate whether the domesticated guinea pig (cuy) is considered a delicacy or an unpalatable indigenous food item. In the southern Peruvian city of Moquegua the breeding of cuyes, including the occurrence of many polydactyl individuals, the location of restaurants that serve cuy, meal costs, and behavior associated with cuy consumption attest to the animal's value beyond its dietary role. Partaking of a restaurant-prepared cuy reinforces social bonds and low sierra cultural identity. However, for some upper-class residents in Moquegua and for the majority of residents in the nearby industrial port city of Ilo, the cuy is considered an anomalous food item associated with indigenous culture and is not consumed. Food trends involving either the popularity or the rejection of a traditional Andean meat source reflect ongoing cultural change within sierra and coastal societies in Peru and have implications for other geographic areas. Keywords: Peruguinea pigcuisineidentityfood habits Acknowledgements I thank all of the individuals in Moquegua and Ilo who shared with me their ideas on local cuisine and culture and those who invited me to social events where cuy was served. Ana Miranda provided information on variation in cuy preparation in Arequipa. Evelyn López Sosa showed me how to extract a zorro and introduced to me to Sofia Mamani who shared her recipe and technique of cuy preparation at restaurant Don Pablo. Maria Condori and others discussed home raising of cuyes. The Ghersi family was very hospitable in discussing commercial cuy husbandry and allowing me to photograph their cuy operation. Mary Van Buren suggested the chicken analogy. J. R. Hermsdorfer photographed the inner ear element; Claire Tingling completed additional digital production of that image as well as the Inca Kola poster. Susan Duser drafted the map of the city core. The following individuals provided helpful comments on versions of this paper: Sharyn Jones O'Day, Maria Lozada, Michael Moseley, Anthony Oliver-Smith, Prudence Rice, two anonymous reviewers, and the editors. All omissions and errors are my own. Notes 1. Curing with guinea pigs is still practiced in Moquegua; however, I was unable to observe this practice. In casual conversations I have never encountered any one who visited a cuy curer for treatment; but I was told that second generation curers practiced in Samegua. 2. The Instituto Nacional de Investigación Agraria y Agroindustrial (INIAA) is now the Instituto Nacional de Investigación Agroindustrial (INIA). 3. The lazy Moqueguano is both the focal point of many jokes and both regional and national repute. For example, one joke concerns a gentleman sitting on a park bench in the Plaza de Armas. A friend of his walks up and asks: "What are you doing?" The first responds "Nothing." And the second gentleman responds "May I help you?" and takes a seat next to him. Moquegua's reputation as a land of the indolent reached a national level during a series of antiprivatization strikes in June 2002. In two southern cities, Arequipa and Tacna, all-night strikers had become violent with looting and retaliation by military police. A national journalist conducting a radio interview in the early morning of the second day of strikes inquired of a local official what was the status of strike activity in Moquegua. At roughly 8 a.m., the local Moqueguano reported to the national radio program that the situation was relatively calm because all of the strikers were still asleep. 4. Southern Peru Copper Corporation (SPCC) was a U.S.-controlled business until 1999. Under U.S. management, the mining operation supported a large number of North American (American and Canadian) workers and their families, most of which resided in mining communities constructed and maintained by SPCC in either Cuajone or Toquepala in the highlands northeast of Moquegua or in coastal Ilo. Following the acquisition of SPCC by Grupo México in 1999 and the reorganization of the company neither Americans nor Canadians now work for the mining company. 5. The historical circumstances of colonial settlement and the physiological requirements of people, plants, and animals resulted in Spanish colonial settlement being concentrated along the coastal plain where introduced plants and animals could thrive (CitationCushner 1980; CitationDavies 1984; CitationdeFrance 1993, Citation1996, Citation2003 CitationRice 1996a, Citation1996b; CitationRice and Ruhl 1989; CitationRice and Smith 1989; CitationSmith 1991, Citation1997); few Spaniards resided in high-elevation settings. 6. I use three different analytical approaches to understand the historical and social processes of how people categorize themselves in the south Central Andes. First, I examined statistical compendiums of demographic variables such census data and tax registers (e.g., CitationCensos Nacional 2002; CitationGootenberg 1991; CitationInstituto Nacional de Estadistica e Informatica 1996; CitationKubler 1952). Race or racial categories are not recorded in contemporary census data; however, ethnic identity as Aymara or Quechua (i.e. an Indian racial identity) can be gleaned from census data through the self-identification of first language. Second, I analyzed how historical and political events affect modern and historical racial classifications and ethnogenesis (CitationAlbó 1999; CitationKapsoli 1977; CitationLarson 1999; CitationMariátegui 1971; CitationMorner 1970; CitationOrlove 1993; CitationPoole 1997; CitationSchwartz and Salomon 1999; CitationSilverblatt 1995; CitationStern 1987). Third, I use modern ethnographic studies of racial identity (Citationde la Cadena 2000; CitationWeismantel 1988) to understand aspects of racial self-identity.

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