Corporate Power in Global Agrifood Governance – Edited by Jennifer Clapp and Doris Fuchs
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Corporate Power in Global Agrifood Governance . Cambridge, MA : MIT Press . 312 pages. ISBN 978-0262512374 , $24.00 paperback . Jennifer Clapp and Doris Fuchs ( Eds. ). 2009 . With multinationals situated ever-more prominently in world affairs, Clapp, Fuchs, and colleagues offer a timely assessment of how corporations influence the “norms, rules, and institutions that govern the global food system” (p. 2) and with what implications for sustainability. Through diverse case studies, linked by a common framework, the book documents the pervasive yet varied influence of corporations within agriculture market segments and policy fora. As such, it should be essential reading for policy makers and scholars interested in the future governance of the global food system. Clapp and Fuchs's introductory chapter conceptualizes power as threefold. Instrumental power is the “direct influence of one actor over another . . .” (p. 8) and is wielded by corporations “in the policy process via corporate lobbying or political campaign financing” (p. 8). Structural power captures how corporations can shape agendas and policy options because of their “material position within states and the global economy . . .” (pp. 8–9). Discursive power notes that “power not only pursues interests, but also creates them” (p. 10). It is attuned to corporate arguments that “socialize politicians and the public into accepting ‘truths’ about desirable policies and political developments . . .” (p. 10). Nine chapters assess these facets of power and their implications for sustainability. Part One—corporate power in international retail and trade governance—begins with Fuchs, Kalfagianni, and Arentsen (Chapter 2) investigating food safety and corporate social responsibility standards promulgated by the global retail sector. Questioning the transparency and participatory qualities of the standards, the authors characterize them as discursive tools for reducing regulatory risk and maintaining a loyal customer base. The standards have advanced food-safety objectives; however, the authors question their quality, environmental, and social benefits, raising concerns over north–south equity and negative implications for small producers. With debates about the corporatization of organics, Scott, Vandergeest, and Young (Chapter 3) explore how reliance on agricultural exports, powerful domestic social movements and supermarkets, and government and donor support for organic production mediated this conflict in Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand. In these cases, corporations have had success in co-opting organics; yet social movements are reframing the debate to advocate local and small scale as critical for sustainability. Smythe (Chapter 4) examines the Codex Alimentarius Commission's work on a label for genetically modified (GM) food. She shows how domestic commitments for or against GM production shaped the arguments made during negotiations. Those opposing labeling privileged scientific arguments that no proof exists for differences between GM and non-GM foods; those favoring labeling emphasized uncertainty, a need for transparency, and consumers’ rights to know. Noting the negative environmental, social, and economic impacts of in-kind food aid, Clapp (Chapter 5) examines continued U.S. support for this form of aid. She shows how U.S. political institutions and interest-group lobbying (nongovernmental organizations and corporate) perpetuate the policy, and particularly, how corporations profiting from food-aid sales are structurally empowered due to their historical importance to the U.S. economy. Part Two—corporations and the governance of genetically modified organisms (GMOs)—begins with Williams (Chapter 6) identifying two pro-biotech frames. One links biotech to food security by asserting that it can ameliorate hunger and malnutrition. Another holds that biotech reduces per-unit inputs for agricultural production and thus enhances environmental sustainability. These are examined and contextualized within broader trends in the political economy of agricultural production and the experiences of African farmers. Sell (Chapter 7) examines corporate power in international processes defining intellectual property rights. She argues that their complexity affords the opportunities for strategic forum shifting, which disadvantages developing countries relative to developed countries and corporations. Still, she notes certain counter discourses and intellectual property rights models that may, over time, help counter corporate dominance and power in this area. Building on the idea of leveraging change, Falkner (Chapter 8) focuses on business conflict and reveals how retailers, farmers, and traders disagreed with the biotech sector about the development of GM foods. These conflicts, Falkner argues, provide leverage to influence the future “direction of GM crop commercialization . . .” (p. 247). Using Argentina as a case, Newell (Chapter 9) counters that while business conflict has affected the country's policies, corporations still work cooperatively to advance common interests. Noting that contestation over biotech has not questioned continued GM production, Newell cautions against seeing business-conflict as a panacea. The book's analysis uncovers at least three areas meriting future research. First, more can be done to examine corporate power in relation to sustainability. Certain chapters did this well, but overall the relationship was not tackled systematically. Second, the book provides preliminary hypotheses for how the forms of power interplay. Sell posits that structural and instrumental powers dominate when effective frames countering corporate interests exist (p. 188). Clapp and Fuchs suggest that information-age technologies and resource asymmetries favoring corporations make discursive power paramount. Its “diffusion nature and low visibility” mean it is “difficult to contest for those with fewer resources” (p. 293). These warrant further examination. Finally, the book's arguments could be usefully explored in comparative settings to probe how and whether the nature and strength of corporate power is mediated by the features of different policy issues and political fora.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,002 | 0,003 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».