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Enregistrement W2095543789 · doi:10.1353/vpr.2006.0013

Women, Work, and Representation: Needlewomen in Victorian Art and Literature (review)

2005· article· en· W2095543789 sur OpenAlexvenueaboutno aff
Anne B. Rodrick

Notice bibliographique

RevueVictorian periodicals review · 2005
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineArts and Humanities
ThématiqueLiterature: history, themes, analysis
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésRepresentation (politics)Symbol (formal)PaintingThe artsMiddle classIconographyHistoryFellPeriod (music)SociologyGender studiesArt historyVisual artsArtAestheticsLawPoliticsPolitical science

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Reviewed by: Women, Work, and Representation: Needlewomen in Victorian Art and Literature Anne Rodrick (bio) Lynn M. Alexander , Women, Work, and Representation: Needlewomen in Victorian Art and Literature (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2003), pp. viii+257, $44.95 cloth. The Victorian seamstress came to occupy an unusual and significant position as a cultural symbol of working-class suffering and redemption. So [End Page 430] argues Lynn Alexander, professor of English at the University of Tennes-see–Martin, in this careful study of periodical literature, novels, governmental reports, and visual arts, in which the problem of the needlewoman occupied center stage. Alexander tracks the evolution of the iconography of the "distressed needlewoman" from the early 1840s, when she was one among many of the preoccupations of social reformers addressing the human suffering omnipresent within the industrializing city, to the 1870s, by which time her image was so well known that painters and writers merely needed to mention her existence to evoke a host of expectations and responses. Alexander makes a persuasive case that the needlewoman was eventually adopted as a symbol of working-class suffering despite and even because of her historical roots as a member of the displaced middle classes. Needlework offered the only morally and socially acceptable alternative to middle-class women without resources who lacked the education to become governesses. These women labored to earn a living because their fathers had fallen on hard times or had died and left their daughters without support; thus, they fell into a broadly conceptualized working class solely because of material need, through no fault of their own, and continued to evoke notions of both gentility and middle-class domesticity without suggesting the threat of misbehavior or violence implicit in the male working classes. The needlewoman's example was especially compelling for the middle-class readers of the government reports, novels, and articles in which she appeared, because it took little effort to imagine oneself or one's sisters in her position. Alexander divides the treatment of the seamstress into distinct chronological periods, noting the first appearance of the milliner as a figure of fiction in 1833. The 1843 Second Report of the Childhood Employment Commission provided an arsenal of information about the poor health and working conditions of needlewomen, and fiction writers such as Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna mined the Report in order to add power to their portrayals of exhaustion, starvation, and consumption as milestones on the way to early death. Thomas Hood's poem "The Song of the Shirt," first appearing in Punch in December 1843, further focused public attention upon the plight of the lone shirt-maker and inspired several generations of visual artists. Fictive portrayals after 1843, however, began to reshape the needlewoman so that she might serve as a symbolic as well as an actual representative of working poverty. Thus, even as the figure of the needlewoman evolved from distressed middle class to representative working class, her workplace was transformed from milliner's shop to slopworker's solitary garret, her work shifted from expensive finery to ready-to-wear men's shirts, and the solution to her distress moved away from changed behavior on the part of the woman client (whose impossible [End Page 431] demands led to overwork and illness) to government reforms initiated by the male legislator. A second wave of literature and visual arts further emphasized the seamstress as an intermediary between rich and poor and as a link between the idyllic rural past and the industrial present, and set forth the seamstress as morally pure even when forced into prostitution by economic pressures. Governmental reports and editorials during this second wave treated the needlewoman not only as a representative of the working poor but also as part of the larger category of the "redundant woman" who was urged to emigrate to Canada or to Australia. By the 1850s, the figure had become a stereotype and ceased to provide a focus for serious novels and poetry, and within another decade, "the seamstress was considered to be a hackneyed subject" (181) for writers and appeared primarily as a "stock portrait" in the visual arts. By the last quarter of the century, argues Alexander, "The seamstress...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesMéta-épidémiologie (sens strict), Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Synthèse · Signal consensuel: Synthèse
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,416
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,001
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0060,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,016
Tête enseignante GPT0,243
Écart entre enseignants0,227 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreSynthèse

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations2
Publié2005
Routes d'admission2
Résumé présentoui

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