Strategies of Minority Struggle for Equality in Ethnic States: Arab Politics in Israel
Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base
Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Abstract This paper challenges existing theories of radicalization and secession that are presented as "natural" tendencies of minority nationalism. It demonstrates the affinity between the strategies of national minorities and those of social movements, claiming that excluded minorities seek to reframe and expand the meaning of their citizenship, as do social movements, by utilizing the structures of opportunities available to them through citizenship and by mobilizing whatever resources possible to improve their status. Minorities utilize the opportunities embedded in their citizenship, despite its shortcomings, before ever moving to alternative strategies that may jeopardize the valued incentives that were achieved so far as citizens. The paper demonstrates its theoretical hypothesis by examining the changes taking place in the strategy adopted by the Arab minority in Israel. This minority has chosen to abandon accommodative politics and is adopting a more active and challenging strategy vis-à-vis the state. In contrast with common claims that conceive Arab politics as a tendency towards strategies of radicalization and confrontation with the state, this paper demonstrates that recent changes in Arab politics seek to expand the meaning of citizenship beyond liberal limits and adapt it to new conditions in order to meet the minority's expectations of full and equal citizenship. Notes 1 This view is best expressed by Benny Morris in an interview with Ari Shavit in Haaretz Magazine, 8 January 2004. 2 This was the case with the Scots and Welsh in Great Britain, the majority of the Basques in Spain, the Québecois in Canada, the Maori in New Zealand and the Indigenous peoples in many South American states. See Kymlicka & Norman (Citation2000). 3 Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics. Statisilite, no. 50, available at www.cbs.gov.il/statistical/arab_pop03e.pdf. 4 Smooha (Citation2005, p. 83). 5 These demands appear on the platform of the three Arab parties represented in the Knesset (Hadash, National Democratic Assembly and United Arab List). For more details see the website of the Knesset: www.knesset.gov.il. 6 Smooha (Citation2005, p. 89). 7 See the efforts made by Adalah and Mosawa on their websites: www.adalah.org and www.mosawa.org. 8 HCJ 6698/95, Qa'adan et al. v. Israel Lands Administration et al., March 2000. 9 www.adalah.org. 10 www.mosawa.org. 11 Smooha (Citation2005, p. 89). 12 Public opinion polls conducted by Mada Al-Carmel, an Arab research institute based in Haifa, demonstrate clearly that Arab citizens are not satisfied with their current civil status. For more details see: www.mada-research.org. 13 The 17th Convention of the Communist Party, a publication of the Israeli Communist Party. 14 Bishara, who grew up within the Communist party, abandoned the party in 1989 as a result of personal and ideological controversies with its leadership. He established the Democratic National Assembly later and turned the topic of cultural autonomy into a central goal of its platform. 15 Al-Arabi newspaper, 26 January 1990. 16 In the 2003 elections to the Knesset 38% of eligible Arab voters did not participate in the elections. In a public opinion poll conducted by Mada Al-Carmel, Arab Center for Applied Social Research, after the elections found that 9% of the non-voters abstained for ideological reasons, 35% for protest reasons, 20% for indifference and 36%occasional abstention related to disability, sickness or similar reasons. For more details see: Saabneh (Citation2004, p. 15). 17 Prominent among these academics is Dr. As'ad Ghanem from Haifa University. 18 Smooha (Citation2005, p. 19).
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,003 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle