MétaCan
Menu
Retour à la cohorte
Enregistrement W2150739968 · doi:10.1080/1359813042000314682

Transforming gifts into talents: the DMGT as a developmental theory1

2004· article· en· W2150739968 sur OpenAlex

Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base

Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.

affAu moins un auteur déclare une institution canadienne dans l'instantané OpenAlex épinglé.

Notice bibliographique

RevueHigh Ability Studies · 2004
Typearticle
Langueen
DomainePsychology
ThématiqueEducation, Achievement, and Giftedness
Établissements canadiensUniversité du Québec à Montréal
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésPsychologyPedagogy

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Abstract The Differentiated Model of Giftedness and Talent (DMGT) presents the talent development process (P) as the transformation of outstanding natural abilities, or gifts (G), into outstanding systematically developed skills which define expertise, or talent (T) 3 in a particular occupational field. This developmental sequence constitutes the heart of the DMGT. Three types of catalysts help or hinder that process: (a) interpersonal (I) catalysts, like personal traits and self‐management processes; (b) environmental (E) catalysts, like socio‐demographic factors, psychological influences (e.g., from parents, teachers, or peers), or special talent development facilities and programs; and (c) chance (C). The DMGT includes a 5‐level metric‐based (MB) system to operationalize the prevalence of gifted or talented individuals, with a basic ‘top 10 per cent’ threshold for mild giftedness or talent, through successive 10 per cent cuts for moderate, high, exceptional and extreme levels. Complex interactions between the six components are surveyed. The text ends with a proposed answer to a fundamental question: ‘What factor(s) make(s) a difference, on average, between those who emerge among the talented and those who remain average?’ Notes The present article is an adaptation of two recent presentations of the DMGT (see Gagné, Citation2003, Citationin press, a). I did examine closely Snow’s very unorthodox definition of aptitude (Snow & Lohman, Citation1984; Snow, Citation1992). It is much too complex to present here. Suffice it to say that I found too many points of disagreement to endorse that view and integrate it in the structure of the DMGT. The gifted label appears specific to the field of education; rarely does one sees the term employed by educators in arts, or by professionals in sports; there, the common expressions for giftedness are ‘talent’ or ‘natural talent’. If the DMGT were more generally endorsed outside of general education, we might see a more frequent use of the expression physical or psychomotor giftedness. Then, talent would more specifically apply to outstanding performance. When I conceived the DMGT at the turn of the 1980s, I decided to adopt the term ‘domain’ for categories of natural abilities (gifts) and the term ‘field’ for talent areas; I hoped in that way to reduce confusion when discussing these two category systems. Csikszentmihalyi (see Csikszentmihalyi & Robinson, Citation1986) independently proposed a very distinct differentiation, which he described as follows: If by ‘domain’ we mean a culturally structured pattern of opportunities for action, requiring a distinctive set of sensori‐motor and cognitive skills—in short, a symbolic system such as music, math ematics, or athletics—we may designate by ‘field’ the social organization of a domain. A field includes all the statuses pertinent to the domain; it specifies the habitual patterns of behavior—or roles—expected from persons who occupy the various statuses. (pp. 278–279) That differentiation differs totally from my own. Note the perfect overlap between domains and fields; in terms of numbers and potential subcategories, both concepts would be identical, since the concept of field is just the analysis of a domain from a sociological, legal, and administrative perspective. My own definition of field does not distinguish these two perspectives. Because I analyze the phenomenon of talent development from a less macrocospic or societal outlook, and more from a psycho‐educational point of view, such a distinction is, to me, of limited usefulness. The International Labour Organization (ILO) created decades ago an International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO) designed to classify as logically as possible all past, present, and future occupations worldwide. The ISCO was last revised in 1988 by the Fourteenth Conference of Labour Statisticians, and renamed ISCO‐88 (see http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/stat/class/isco.htm; accessed 18 November 2004). It includes almost ten thousand distinct occupations grouped into a hierarchical system of ten major, 27 sub‐major, over a hundred minor and hundreds of unit categories. The ten major categories are: 1) legislators, senior officials, and managers; 2) professionals; 3) technicians and associate professionals; 4) clerks; 5) service and sales workers; 6) agricultural and fisheries workers; 7) crafts and related trades workers; 8) plant and machine operators; 9) elementary occupations; and 10) the army. Most of these occupations—except maybe those in the ninth category—offer sufficient range in the level of skills to be mastered to make possible the differentiated identification of competent versus talented individuals. Moon recently proposed a structure closely related to my self‐management sub‐component. She defines it as follows: ‘The development of personal talent involves the acquisition of a number of specific skills from the personal domain, skills such as personal decision‐making and self‐regulation. The development of these skills, in turn, is facilitated by strong executive abilities’ (2003, p. 8). That quote shows that the two major types of skills defining her personal talent strongly overlap the motivation (decision‐making) and volition (goal attainment) dimensions of my self‐management sub‐component. The adjective ‘outstanding’ was carefully chosen to approximate the level of marginality I had in mind for the basic level of giftedness and talent. The term ‘superior’ appeared too generous, whereas the term ‘exceptional’ conveys the image of a more restrictive subgroup. Of course, I totally avoid ‘extraordinary’, except to describe very high levels of natural ability or achievement; I would place that level just below ‘prodigious’. Unfortunately, many professionals in the field do not exhibit the same carefulness in their qualifications of gifted or talented behavior. Such agreement recently happened in the field of nutrition with the generalization of the Body Mass Index [weight in kilos/(height in meters)2]. Professionals in that field agreed on the following operationalizations: underweight (< 20), normal (20–25), overweight (26–29), and obese (30 +). These shared thresholds make possible geographical comparisons, as well as age‐group comparisons. Feldhusen defines giftedness as follows: ‘Our composite conception of giftedness then includes (a) general intellectual ability, (b) positive self‐concept, (c) achievement motivation, and (d) talent’ (1986, p. 112). Renzulli presents the following definition: Gifted behavior consists of behaviors that reflect an interaction among three clusters of human traits—these clusters being above average general and/or specific abilities, high levels of task commitment, and high levels of creativity. Gifted and talented children are those possessing or capable of developing this composite set of traits and applying them to any potentially valuable area of human performance’ (1986, p. 73).

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Qualitatif · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,318
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,589

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,001
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,042
Tête enseignante GPT0,375
Écart entre enseignants0,332 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle