Commons Theory for Marine Resource Management in a Complex World
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Notice bibliographique
Résumé
1. COMMONS CONCEPT AND THEORY I carried out my first study ofcommunity-based resource management in the mid-1970s in the Cree Indian village of Chisasibi, James Bay, in eastern subarctic Canada. As a recent science Phl]), I had no training to appreciate local resource management institutions and traditional knowledge. Worse, as a member ofa generation ofstudents under the influence ofthe tragedy of the concept, I was predisposed to believing that resources had to be protected from the users by government resource managers and appropriately trained scientists. This belief was shaken somewhat by the results of my studies of Cree fishers and their productive and orderly fishgry [BERKEs 1977]. This was a subsistence fishery, with no commercial component, carried out in the coastal waters of James Bay. There were no apparent rules or regulations in its conduct. As an indigenous subsistence fishery, it operated outside the sphere ofgovernment regulations. Yet, as it turned cyut, there was indeed a system, and the fishers were selforganized and selfimanaged, unlike the tragedy ofthe [BERKEs 1999, chapter 7, sumniarizes some ten years ofwork with this fishery]. The tragedy ofthe is often a starting point in commons discussions. Until the 1980s, it was the principal in which commons were considered. Hardin [1968] used the example of an imaginary pasture in Medieval England to which cattle herders have free and open access (i.e. a commons). Each herder receives a direct benefit (say +1) from adding one more. animal to graze in the pasture, whereas the costs of degrading the pasture are shared by all (a fraction of-1). Thus, each herder has the incentive to put as many cattle on the pasture as he can. Putting more animals on the pasture is the economically rational choice; yet everyone exercising their rational choice leads to the degradation ofthe pasture-hence the tragedy. The James Bay. Cree fishery did not fit this model at all. The fishers were able to decide among themselves on the rules of conduct of the fishery, and were able to persuade more or less everyone to fbllow those The rules were not written down, and the Cree themselves did not think ofthem as rules. It was simply the way things were done. This locally designed fishing system was quite different from biological management systems generally applicable
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Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,004 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle