The Process of Fitting In Generational Differences in Self-Esteem among First, 1.5, and Second-Generation Egyptians in the US
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
ABSTRACTThe US is a diverse country comprised of many immigrant groups. There have been a number of studies that have focused on different immigrant groups in America (Ahmed, 2010; Barry and Grilo, 2003; Bhattacharya and Schoppelrey, 2004; Buddington, 2002; Farley et al 2005); however, there have been few studies focused on Arab immigrants (Ahmed, 2005; Barry, 2005; Faragallah, Schumm and Webb, 1997; Gaudet, Clement and Deuzeman, 2005; Hatter-Pollara and Meleis, 1995; Jamil, Nassar-McMillan and Lambert, 2007). More specifically, few studies have focused on Egyptian immigrants, particularly those that compare Egyptian immigrants to the host society. With the growing population of Egyptian immigrants after 9/11 and their second-generation offspring, it has become increasingly important to understand how the struggles of this population differ from non-immigrants (Farley et al., 2005; Hallak and Quina, 2004). This study hypothesized that US non-immigrants would experience greater individualistic attitudes and personal self-esteem and lower collective self-esteem than Egyptian immigrants. Results showed greater collectivistic attitudes and identity subscale of collective self-esteem in the Egyptian population. The potential impact of the Arab springs, particularly in increasing immigrants' ability to acculturate to the US due to feeling that life in the host society has improved their situation, is explored. Limitations and recommendations are discussed.Keywords: Immigration, Egypt, self-esteem, Arab SpringIntroductionThe US is a nation comprised of many different ethnic groups. The number of immigrants in the US continues to rise, increasing from 28 million foreign born individuals in 2000 (Potocky-Tripodi, 2000) to approximately 39 million foreign born individuals in 2009 (Martin and Midgley, 2010). Bean and Stevens (2003) indicate that as of 2003, 22% of the total US population is comprised of immigrants. According to the 2010 US Census, the population of self-identified Arab's in the US is 1.7 million, and Egyptians comprise approximately 12% of the total Arab immigrant population in the US. New Jersey has the sixth largest population of Arab immigrants with an estimated 85,956 people (2010 US Census); this is a growth of 20% from the 2000 Census estimates (2000 US Census). This number is believed to be an under-estimate due to under-reporting, with a closer estimate being 257,868 (Arab American Institute, 2011). Within New Jersey, the majority of Arab immigrants are from Egypt; it is estimated that 21,627, or 34% of Arab immigrants in New Jersey are Egyptian (2010 US Census). New Jersey has the second largest Egyptian population, by total number of people, of the fifty states; it is second only to California, which has 27, 558 Egyptian immigrants (2010 US Census).As the population of Egyptian immigrants grows, it becomes increasingly important to understand how they experience the process of acculturation. Acculturation can be defined as a process by which immigrant groups adopt cultural customs, ideals, ways of life, assumptions, and practices from the host culture (Buddington, 2002). They are faced with the challenge of learning to live in a new culture while holding on to their values and beliefs. The more differences that exist between the host culture and the culture of origin, the more difficult the acculturation process becomes. Within the Egyptian immigrant population, they are immigrating from a collectivistic society, a society that stresses family ties and social relationships, into an individualistic society within the US, a culture that stresses independence and personal privacy (Hatter-Pollara and Meleis, 1995; Holstede, 1984). This causes added stressors in acculturating due to significant differences in attitude between the two societies (Hatter-Pollara and Meleis, 1995).The current study looked at self-esteem and stress levels within the Egyptian population and non-immigrant Americans to determine whether these factors are related to acculturation or life in the US. …
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Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,003 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
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