Germany in a Changing World

Photo: International Security Assistance Force MediaBerlin—At the Munich Security Conference earlier this year, the President of Germany, Joachim Gauck asked the following key questions:“Has Germany already adequately recognized the new threats and the changing structure of the international order?“Has Germany shown enough initiative to ensure the future viability of the networks of norms, friends, and alliances, which after all brought us peace in freedom and democracy in prosperity?”A moment later he took it upon himself to provide the answers: “Germany should make a more substantial contribution, and it should make it earlier and more decisively if it is to be a good partner.”His remarks prompted an intensive debate—immediately narrowed to the issue of Germany’s engagement in and contributions to current and future military operations. However, his remarks were meant as a wake-up call designed to start a much broader discussion of Germany’s role and responsibilities in a changing world, taking into account the broad spectrum of the nation’s power and influence.So far, the debate has failed to engage much of the German public. Still, some now understand that our country cannot play a leading role in economic and financial politics within the European Union and beyond, while at the same time remaining more or less an observer when foreign and security politics are at stake.The Ukrainian crisis has clearly brought about a substantial change. Germany has taken the initiative and risks within the so-called Weimar Triangle, a grouping of Poland, Germany, and France, and within the European Union. There, Germany has been trying to define and pursue common positions as prerequisites for any approach toward Russia.The second substantial change was made recently when Germany broke with its long-held policy not to supply lethal weapons to conflict zones. The German government decided to supply weapons to the Kurds in Iraq, in concert with the EU policy on the conflict in northern Iraq. Germany has not only backed the actions of its allies and others, but has taken on its own responsibilities in addressing the threat posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, known as ISIS, which has occupied large parts of Iraq and slaughtered thousands of people.But there is more to be done. Germany, and in particular the German public, has to understand how dependent its own peace, freedom, and prosperity is on this dynamic and changing world. A broad analysis, like the Review 2014 initiated by the German Foreign Office, is needed to define “long lines” of Germany’s role and responsibilities, including goals, interests, instruments, and resources.Since the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, foreign and security politics were largely determined by six major factors, which contributed to the re-unification of the country and the overcoming of the divide in Europe. Though times have changed dramatically since then, these factors must be preserved and further developed—taking into account current and future political challenges and concerns.The reconciliation between France and Germany, finalized with the Élysée Treaty of 1963, was an historical achievement. It turned out to be the precondition for the European amalgamation that eventually led to the establishment of the European Union. The Franco-German cooperation as part of this process has been called the “European engine.” When this “engine” was running, Europe made progress. Nothing has changed in this respect—yet. Europe’s political and economic power is located in its center, where France and Germany must develop and pursue the required initiatives for Europe’s future. At the same time, they must take into account the interests of the other EU members and need to cooperate with these countries closely. A core requirement for continuing this approach is that France and Germany perceive themselves as equal partners. Yet there are some doubts stemming largely from Germany’s dominance and France’s weakness in economic terms, as well as German reluctance particularly on matters of defense policy. Both states must strengthen their bilateral political dialogue on these issues, with the goal of continuing to strengthen the “European engine.”It might sound rather contradictory to argue for strengthening the EU while nationalistic movements are becoming stronger in Europe and one important member state, the United Kingdom, is threatening the Union with withdrawal. But it must be emphasized that the European Union actually is a success story, unprecedented in history. It can be an example to other regions on this globe. Moreover, a united Europe is the only answer by the old continent to the new challenges in a dramatically changing world.Only free and united can the EU be an acknowledged global actor, preserving its own interests while also contributing to stability and peace. The economic and financial crisis that debuted in 2007 has clearly demonstrated that Europe as a union is already a global actor. Thus, it’s about time that the EU becomes a global player in the field of what is called the Common Foreign and Security Politics of the Union.First steps have been taken, even in defense policy, but much remains to be done, not as a competitor of the United States, but in concert. Germany, as a leading state within Europe, carries a particular responsibility to move this forward. The Franco-German “engine” must be kept alive—and Europeans should hope that one day the UK will join the two countries in leading in this particular field with all its knowledge, experience, and resources.In the early years of the Federal Republic, the conservative former Chancellor Konrad Adenauer anchored and embedded West Germany into the Western alliance, one of the wisest decisions in modern German history. Today it has become more trying to argue for preserving or even enhancing the transatlantic relationship—with an instinctive American disengagement from Europe, the U.S. “pivot to Asia,” and the growing mistrust due to the NSA spying scandal and other espionage incidents which have even higher visibility in Germany than in the United States. Germans are asking, “Why do they spy on us when they could and should talk to us?” Trust between states and people is of extraordinary political value. This should not be neglected by Americans. German irritations about the United States as a viable partner can have a deep and lasting impact on transatlantic relations.Political ideas or initiatives should normally never be pursued without alternatives. But with respect to good and trusting transatlantic relations, there is no alternative for either the United States or Europe. No conceivable alternative exists for either partner that would allow it to define and pursue common positions—most recently toward Russia in the Ukrainian crisis. We share so many values, and most of our interests are identical. We are partners within the North Atlantic Alliance. Looking at current and future risks and threats, NATO must be strengthened to ensure the security of the U.S. and Europe. In this context, time might be ripe to discuss openly and frankly how freedom and security is to be balanced in this new technological era. Additionally, a debate is essential on a more equal burden sharing between Europe and the United States regarding defense.There are also opportunities for improvement in the field of economic policy. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Program [TTIP] would combine the two strongest economic centers of the world, with advantages for both the United States and the European Union. TTIP would bring more economic growth, more job creation, and better social standards if both sides were willing to compromise. It would also send a clear signal to all other global partners by setting common standards. Furthermore, such a pact could be an impetus to search for additional common solutions in transatlantic relations.With the Ukraine crisis in mind, it might sound strange to argue for a partnership with Russia. But even during the coldest periods of the Cold War, the Western nations kept political contacts alive with Moscow. In the end, the Ostpolitik of Chancellor Willy Brandt contributed very much to the process which tore down the Berlin Wall and overcame the division of Europe. There is no doubt that any kind of partnership policy with President Putin will be difficult. So it is of utmost importance that the United States and the European Union remain united and firmly committed to a common policy toward Russia.Germany must take a leading role in developing this policy within the EU, given its wide-ranging relations with Russia. This includes bearing possible negative effects on its own economy and sharing the necessary burden in military terms. Such a policy may also require patience and endurance if Putin maintains his nationalistic and hegemonic politics. Russia is an essential part of Europe, and thus the Western nations have to deal with this country and maintain communication and consultation based on their own strength and unity.The 1975 Helsinki Charter—the core of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE] process—laid the foundation for the beginning of the end of the Soviet regime and the Warsaw Pact. Citizens in Central and Eastern Europe demanded human rights and the rule of law, referring to this Charter, while succeeding in overcoming the unnatural division of Europe. In 1990, all European states, together with the United States and Canada, as well as the still existing Soviet Union, declared the objective of a “Europe whole and free.”A quarter century later the question must be asked if this really has been achieved. Sadly, the Ukrainian crisis provides us with a negative answer. Not all countries are sovereign and independent, and not all people are free and living under the rule of law in democracy and peace, particularly not those in Russia and its neighborhood. What went wrong, and what remains to be done?First, the EU member states, the United States, and Canada must care more in political, economic, and military terms about the states in Eastern Europe, which are neither members of NATO nor the EU. Second, a common Western policy toward and with Russia must be pursued. Finally, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe [OSCE], successor to the CSCE, must be invigorated with a special focus on peace and security.Not until 1973 did both Germanys, the communist East and the free West, become members of the United Nations. After 1990, re-united Germany has always taken an active role within the United Nations and is one of its largest financial contributors. During the last UN reform process, Germany sought, in vain, a permanent seat in the Security Council. Unfortunately, UN structures, especially the Security Council itself, still reflect the world order of 1945. All reform endeavors in this respect have failed, limiting or even impeding efforts and initiatives in the important fields of peace, security, stability, and development. This leads to one of the most serious deficiencies in world politics.Since 2011, the disastrous civil war in Syria has been the prime example. The UN is the only global forum providing the framework for a rule-based international order, including the unique right to legitimize the use of force outside the universal right of self-defense. So strengthening the United Nations and its affiliate organizations, while taking on its national responsibilities within the UN remains an important goal of German foreign policy. At the same time, Germany is fully aware of the fact that improvements can only be achieved in close cooperation with its Western partners and in concert with such other major powers as China, Russia, India, and Brazil.Globalization has created new political, economic, and social networks, which now span the globe. This reality has caused an unprecedented degree of interdependencies, but also with for Germany and its partners. Germany is more to than many other countries and must these and their in developing its political of nations includes and China, but also developing countries such as India, and share such as the rule of law and good But many do not the West as a role and are to political and social rights and The current and future focus of these states is on their economic growth, which may economic but also with Western including The of these states to take on responsibilities for peace, security, and stability within the international order is rather to their regions and at preserving their own the of China, an policy toward its leads to a continuing state of in East where a policy of the United States in of these countries is of utmost However, even this cannot peace in that conflict there would have serious global these will to even to by the new economic and political powers with the A Western policy, which engagement where and where must be further The EU and Germany need to play an active The should to a new of the international order with these new powers while the of new the same time, the international is with many or failed In all many such what as an conflict to an In a world, a can develop into a even international crisis. However, it becomes a when the even international is not early enough and During the last two even in the the and clear that the international or or not at is the It the of political and their to in a by all if necessary also military to end and a the of less military in the last and of their the United States and Europe do regarding any further international However, when political, economic, and social in many largely within the European it time to develop a common and policy on conflict In concert with a global American policy, the EU, and Germany as one of its leading states, has a particular responsibility for preserving peace and security in and for Europe by its of has the and of in its major of and or failed states with political and However, the negative effects of and to other nations and regions with for The is due to the fact that are and state such as in in Syria and Iraq, the in and and in cannot these In many they may even more especially if Western states is no answer on how to deal with such What is required is an political approach all of economic, and and military if with the toward the Furthermore, close cooperation with and and is At good and economic and social at an have the of the of the United States and the EU are and also to pursue such a policy due to their political, economic, and military but more due to their to universal like human freedom, and for with its in and weapons and the are to be in and failed But the of of our own is and many with the opportunities of and their and by so or even the and of the West as a role for the rule of law and can only be with and and with an and better international cooperation of and to the known states, at other countries have the to join the in a rather Such a would make this world a much more to The permanent members of the UN Security Council Germany, in Europe the with the should be in this broader a weapons state, it would not only the East but a new with for security on a global the of the this reality is also by and The United States, the EU, and the European France, and Germany, have to Russia and on and toward an with during the with is an essential a for a of the Treaty in This is still a and of international and additional by states may be during this and may even be But its is of utmost importance to global security and and the are still with on the of the change. and is many have turned a to this some out of to their economic We all the effects on the and our but there is still a reluctance in many parts of the world, including the West, to the and and take the necessary steps the required are not in a years will all be to much more serious risks stemming from living will be by and and in some or at some parts of will have from this as a of This all will have political, economic, and with an important security and many other states have to in a and addressing their challenges with national initiatives and But solutions are essential on a global It is important that a new UN be for in The United States and the EU should play an active and part in this process, and both should do possible to and the developing politics in countries and while foreign and security policy on a global that is only to in Looking only to years on should to be taken into The United States will maintain its current while Europe’s may to might change this to a will but will be with social stemming from an caused by the In the of and the world will within the with under the of question is the and nations will be in a to provide their people with a future. the question of how much the West is and willing to these might is to in the and neighborhood. The current crisis in the with may provide us with a of what may be at if our focus to all of North and as well as the many states with economic, and social structures, which social and of which can only be within the to their close the EU, with Germany as a leading but also must define and to and in close cooperation with these Such an approach also the engagement of the United States, the and the more such initiatives are a for preserving our own freedom, and and must be recognized as a and is all of our Looking it to be that have not the effects of this new to the and will need more time to a on the provides us with a of never known and with opportunities of never Furthermore, has strengthened and the by providing to and and more to So networks new risks and threats to our security are security is the for states, their and including the for and as well as the other an of and opportunities for never This can be with negative impact by and but also for impact like in political and social and the global are with important such as how to our and human how to ensure the security of our and how to both in this Germany and all other states are only in a to national with rather impact as networks So global solutions are necessary and a a framework with is essential within the The United States carries particular responsibilities on by of its dominance in this Still, and between and Europeans are necessary to on important between freedom and security of our leading to a common transatlantic which could the to a global and their are by and in this world. states with political on the are by where a the many particularly some are this In this is clearly an while Russia in this these states or these political to others, in the of due to their economic What about the of our own Western and of of the Western and its impact on the of our might some important and Europeans are fully committed to human civil rule of law, and political However, and the economic crisis have negative effects on our states and their have become more social more All of us within the EU should be about the reality that as many as the in EU states are or do not have a to there are the of a of and in our Western We should not the that modern are to or to to the the Europeans and must strengthen our common and our of by even more and to our with all and economic and provide our particularly our with future this is at it provides us with the and the to for these and our of in our foreign policy. in and will the on and to a better and a of foreign and security challenges that most other states, and especially its Western in this world. to define for Germany, which might be also to the foreign and security of other could be called the of No state, neither Germany nor other European states nor the United States as the only remaining global can on its All nations have largely their The and the of in international and the role of the national state in must be We are to an end of the of when the were created in the European under a of of In the of solutions require In this the European Union might the political example for other states and for Germany, has been and will remain a second for the end of any are to be with for the others, or as the world the of This should to the whole spectrum of political There may be some to this But they will be the future President Putin may to be the Western states, Germany must not standards in their approach and should be fully with the for which they this a call for a foreign and security policy, the It is that may between and interests, especially with states, or even Unfortunately, there are many particularly to security interests, where Western states, including their military failed to their own and with international This must be changed if are to and our and that the West is to its own and is in foreign and security policy a approach from the economic, and especially military will to any in terms of conflict crisis or peace This us to on clear and political by an intensive and cooperation at between the on national and international to Germany was a of a security by NATO and especially the United States. The re-united Germany, due to its and especially its economic must more Germany to to the of international policy and to become a security In this the narrowed German which on Germany’s military is more is Germany must play a at common with others, and for within the EU, and the has never been as and free as it is Germans take this reality for and these times will last Yet our freedom, security, and prosperity are dependent on Europe and the world as a and our responsibilities, and as a member of the international must be by our policy and and military Joachim this process at the Munich Security Conference last However, much more must be if our are to understand and what it to to the stability of the international the at which international are a by leading countries like Germany to and more decisively is essential if are to peace and security for and for

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