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Enregistrement W2346183152 · doi:10.1093/biosci/biw058

Muzzles off for Federal Scientists in Canada

2016· article· en· W2346183152 sur OpenAlex
Lesley Evans Ogden

Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base

Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.

aboutLe titre ou le résumé porte un signal canadien du lexique géographique.
no affAucune affiliation canadienne : ce travail est invisible pour une base fondée sur la seule affiliation.
Aucune affiliation canadienne. Une base fondée sur la seule affiliation (le devis habituel) n'aurait jamais vu ce travail. C'est l'un des travaux qui justifient l'inversion de la base.

Notice bibliographique

RevueBioScience · 2016
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineEnvironmental Science
ThématiquePolar Research and Ecology
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésGovernment (linguistics)Political scienceJournalismPower (physics)Administration (probate law)Executive directorPublic administrationMedia studiesSociologyManagementLibrary scienceLaw

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

In October 2015, Canadian voters elected a Liberal majority government, ousting the Conservative administration of Prime Minister Stephen Harper, in power since 2006. Science and scientists have rarely been Canadian election issues. Under Harper, though, the muzzling of government scientists became known internationally. Now, as journalists gain renewed access to scientists, Canadians are gaining a glimpse behind a nearly decade-long curtain of tight communication control. Prior to Harper, journalists could contact Canadian federal scientists directly for interviews. Under Harper, that changed radically. The term muzzle in association with Canadian federal scientists first appeared in the media in 2007. Media use of this word was tracked by Carleton University journalism professor Kathryn O’Hara and Paul Dufour, principal at the consulting firm PaulicyWorks and adjunct professor with the Institute for Science, Society, and Policy at the University of Ottawa. Especially muzzled “were departments where scientists’ regulatory research, a mainstay of governmental science, could potentially impede natural resource development,” they describe in the 2014 book How Ottawa Spends, 2014–2015: The Harper Government— Good to Go? Such applied research included work at Environment Canada, Parks Canada, and the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO). In 2008, Environment Canada scientists and staff were informed by their executive management that “just as we have ‘one department, one website,’ we should have ‘one department, one voice.’” This was leaked by a senior scientist to journalist Margaret Munro. At the time, Gregory Jack, acting director of Environment Canada’s ministerial and executive services, told Munro and Canwest media that the policy shift was to bring Environment Canada in line with other federal departments. He insisted on 1 February 2008 that “there is no change in the access in terms of scientists being able to talk.” But according to Stephen Woodley, a 32-year agency veteran and former chief ecosystems scientist of Parks Canada, he and others were not allowed to speak freely to the press, were not invited to meetings, or had budgets taken away. “It was very difficult to do science inside the federal government and in Parks Canada,” says Woodley, adding that difficulties increased after Harper’s 2011 reelection. Reporters often requested interviews with Woodley on “fairly innocuous” topics, he says. To gain permission to speak to the press, he and other scientists had to go through communications staff, guess which questions reporters might ask, and make up answers for approval. It was a process that “just became absurd,” he says. Art Osborne, then an Ontario region communications adviser with Natural Resources Canada, describes communications controls under Harper as a process that “choked everything almost to a dead stop.” Beyond the policy itself, he explains, was an engrained culture of inertia for fear of adverse reaction. “It was just safer to do nothing,” he says, so “this culture perpetuated the cumbersome policies and ponderous processes.” In 2011, Woodley was asked to speak on Canada’s national science radio show, CBC’s Quirks and Quarks. After getting approval for his answers to guessed questions, “I had to have a minder come and sit in the booth beside me when I did the interview,” says Woodley, an experience he found “very distasteful.” He left Parks Canada shortly afterwards for a job with the International Union for Conservation of Nature. “Morale was in the dumper,” he says. “It was a tough place.” Muzzling, the weakening of environmental laws, funding cuts, and announced closures of internationally renowned scientific facilities, such as the Experimental Lakes Area (ELA), sparked unprecedented advocacy. In 2012, hundreds participated in a scientist-led mock funeral on Ottawa’s Parliament Hill, dubbed the “Death of Evidence.” Organizers Katie Gibbs, a University of Ottawa doctoral student, and professor Scott Findlay would later establish the nonpartisan advocacy group Evidence for Democracy (E4D). Mike Rennie, now at Lakehead University, was part of an entire unit of DFO scientists forbidden to speak to media following the announced closure of the ELA in May 2012. In response, “people either didn’t talk or did so anonymously.” Rennie started writing an anonymous blog about the experience of being muzzled “because I just couldn’t take it anymore,” he says. The new Trudeau government campaigned with a promise to allow scientists to speak. Renewed communication freedoms were announced at the DFO and Environment Canada soon after the election. Other departments, such as Parks Canada, appear to be slow to change. With concern that there is little to stop the silencing of scientists from happening again, E4D and the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada (PIPSC) called, on 9 March 2016, for the right of scientists to speak to be included in their collective agreements. It is something PIPSC President Debi Daviau hopes will “prevent in future the kind of chill imposed by communications policies under the Harper government.”

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Observationnel · Signal consensuel: Observationnel
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,425
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,613

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0010,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,012
Tête enseignante GPT0,234
Écart entre enseignants0,222 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle