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Enregistrement W234929446

The Deregulation That Wasn't

2001· article· en· W234929446 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
James B. Robb, Anthony Sugalski

Notice bibliographique

RevueThe McKinsey Quarterly · 2001
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineEnvironmental Science
ThématiqueAmerican Environmental and Regional History
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésDeregulationLegislationCommissionBusinessEnergy policyState (computer science)LegislatureEconomicsMarket economyPublic administrationFinanceLawPolitical scienceEngineeringRenewable energy
DOInon disponible

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

California's energy crisis has been stoked by the excessive revision of rules--in a supposedly deregulated market. A recent survey [1] of public-utility commissioners in the United States showed that nearly 75 percent intended to halt their efforts as a result of the ongoing energy debacle in California. Governments around the world are also rethinking their plans to deregulate. A reasonable reaction, given the severity of California's crisis? Yes, except that California's energy deregulation was anything but. In an Orwellian irony, it actually increased the amount of regulation and enlarged the regulatory complex. Since the passage of legislation that supposedly deregulated California's energy markets in 1996, the crew of regulatory bodies that oversee the state's energy markets and the state legislature have imposed an average of one regulatory change every three weeks. And these were no minor alterations; many involved adjustments to retail and wholesale pricing or to environmental requirements. Each one changed the return that power suppliers could expect on an investment in energy generation facilities. Small wonder that no new power plants have been built in the state in the past decade, even as demand was steadily rising. California's energy markets now actually have more than a dozen regulatory bodies watching over them, including the California Public Utilities Commission, the California Energy Commission (CEC), and numerous Air Quality Management Districts. No single organization is ultimately in charge and held accountable. For example, the CEC, which oversees the permitting process for energy companies that want to build large power plants in California, follows a very basic roadmap, but many smaller state and local authorities have the ability to drag out or block the process. Local officials, all too easily swayed by activist single-interest citizens' groups focusing, for example, on the environment, endangered species, or the quality of life, frequently move to block projects. Yet they do not bear responsibility for the consequences of their actions--in this case, a fundamental shortage of supply. Consider what happened in San Diego last summer. From the time local retail prices started running up--one of the first clear signs of the crisis to come--the utility industry was bombarded by 16 legislative bills, 35 legislative amendments, and a torrent of regulatory changes. The result has been an atmosphere of great uncertainty compounded by the fact that utility commissions cannot bind themselves in the future, so a deal is never really a deal. Another consequence is the fact that obtaining a permit to construct an energy production facility in California takes more than twice as long as it does in many other US states and costs far more. Indeed, the total cost of going through the process in California can be 20 times higher than in Texas (and 50 times higher than in Brazil). Some deregulation. Finding the right regulatory focus Through our work for the Bay Area Economic Forum, a partnership of local governments and businesses in San Francisco and Silicon Valley, we have come to believe that an arduous permitting process and greater oversight are not necessary to protect California's sensitive environment. Other markets have standards that are as strict or stricter, but the companies and regulators within these markets can move more swiftly and with greater certainty. Take Canada, a country that has tougher environmental standards, on the whole, than most parts of the United States but still plays host to natural-resource-based industries, including chemicals, mining, oil and gas, power, and pulp and paper. Although these industries are major contributors to air and water pollution, they have shown that they can adapt to tougher regulation and are willing to make large investments to comply with stringent standards because they know that the rules are not going to change days after they invest millions. …

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction machine sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,005
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,010
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Commentaire · Signal consensuel: aucune
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,025
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,084

Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0050,010
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,001
Bibliométrie0,0010,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0030,006
Communication savante0,0090,009
Science ouverte0,0020,003
Intégrité de la recherche0,0030,006
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0250,008

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,010
Tête enseignante GPT0,191
Écart entre enseignants0,181 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreCommentaire

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2001
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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