Bundling, Cord-Cutting and the Death of TV as We Know It
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
CASE BODY The pay-TV industry faces a revolution both in US and world-wide. On one hand, popularity of pay-TV programming is at an all-time high as pay-TV networks such as HBO and Showtime invest in lavishly produced programming that is well-received by both viewers and critics. Traditional pay-TV providers, which include cable and satellite TV companies, reach over 130 million households in US and an average household spends seven hours a day watching TV (FCC, 2013). On other hand, consumers who have long been at mercy of cable and satellite TV providers are now finding a variety of new ways to get their favorite TV content. New entrants in pay-TV market including Netflix and Amazon provide alternatives to traditional cable TV at a significantly lower cost. More consumers choose to cord and receive their video programming on demand from a free or a paid subscription service. Some industry observers have even proclaimed the death of TV as we know (Yarow, 2015). The rising price of traditional pay-TV offerings is noticed by consumers and regulators alike. According to Federal Communications Commission (2014), average cost of a monthly expanded basic cable subscription rose from $27.88 in 1998 to $64.41 in 2013. A separate research report from NPD Group states that average cable TV monthly bill in U.S. rose from $40 in 2001 to $86 in 2011, and is projected to rise to $123 per month in 2015 (Kritsonis, 2013). Figure 1 compares growth in price of cable TV and inflation rate measured by Consumer Price Index. Over this period, cable TV prices have been rising at four times rate of general inflation. As prices of traditional pay-TV access continue to increase, there is an emerging narrative suggesting that best way to cut those bills down and encourage more competition from providers is to offer consumers opportunity to select individual channels they purchase. This is known as pricing. Recently, Republican Senator John McCain and Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal sponsored a bill that would require pay-TV operators to offer a-la-carte pricing. McCain asserts that special interest groups have stacked regulatory deck in favor of preserving an outdated business model and advocates benefits of a-la-carte selection of channels (Kritsonis, 2013). In Canada, broadcasters are now required to offer a low cost base package of local and educational channels to consumers. Beyond base service, Canadians are now able to subscribe to individual channels or small bundles of channels that, by law, must be reasonably priced. The Canadian system came to be known as pick and pay. (Lazarus, 2015) This push to a-la-carte pricing represents a major departure from traditional pricing in pay-TV. For many years, pay-TV market in US has been dominated by providers bundling individual channels they offer into packages. Despite increases in number of channels offered to consumers in these bundles, a typical consumer only chooses to watch a few channels on a regular basis. Figure 2 shows number of channels received and watched in an average TV household. In 2013, a typical consumer watched only 17 channels out of 189 available in programming bundle. While bundling is common in many product markets--with McDonald's Happy Meals and Microsoft Office software suite providing two of better-known examples--it has become pervasive in pay-TV industry. Most consumers see no other option but to purchase their TV channels in a bundle. Bundling may help firm realize economies of scale and economies of scope in product delivery. Proponents of bundling suggest that it is essential for survival of niche channels that cater to specific interests or minorities and will not have sufficient support to be offered in a-la-carte environment. Critics of bundling claim that it forces consumers to buy channels that they never watch. …
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Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».