Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Anglo-American visitors to Arkansas Post in early nineteenth century were unstinting in their condescension when evaluating old-time French inhabitants whom they encountered there, and those evaluations closely echoed ones that other sojourners from East were voicing elsewhere in Mississippi Valley at about same time. Among these travelers there was virtually unanimous agreement on nature and character of colonial holdovers they observed: French were an amiable but essentially indolent lot, not much given to enterprise, and overly fond of idle pursuits like drinking, dancing, gambling, playing billiards, and racing their horses. In 1819, for instance, Thomas Nuttall, Harvard botanist-and an Englishman at that-hammered Post with a fearsome invective, indicting and sundry: The love of amusements, here, he said, in most of French colonies, is carried to extravagance, particularly gambling, and dancing parties or balls. But sum of general industry is, as yet, totally insufficient for support of any thing like a town. . . . [Tjhese Canadian descendants, so long nurtured amidst savages, have become strangers to civilized comforts and regular industry. They must, however, in time give way to introduction of more enterprising inhabitants.1Examples of this kind of take on Arkansas French could easily be multiplied, but Washington Irving's musings can perhaps serve as a proxy for remarkably uniform descriptions of them that found their way into print during early national period. In his story The Creole Village, which is about his visit to Arkansas Post in 1830s, Irving caricatured both French, whom he portrayed as somnolent, carefree fiddle-players, and newly arrived Anglo-Americans, whom he limned as aggressive, hard-driving republican entrepreneurs. Irving filled his Arkansas Post, depicted as a sleepy, ruinous souvenir of a lost empire, with passive, enervated creoles. He outfitted Little Rock, new territorial capital up Arkansas River, with rival newspapers, a courthouse, and two banks, all built of pine boards, on model of Grecian temples, along with lawyers by score. By end of his story, Irving had not merely warmed to contrast he was drawing, he was positively on fire with it. Here he is upon leaving Post: As we swept away from shore, I cast a wistful eye upon moss-grown roofs and ancient elms of village, and prayed that inhabitants might long retain their happy ignorance, their absence of enterprise and improvement, their respect for fiddle, and their contempt for almighty dollar. He could not resist ending narrative with a rhetorical coup de grâce. Alas! he cried, is to become of our poor little creole village!2The figures that these effusions draw are deliberate literary caricatures to be sure, but they closely resemble necessarily less overblown descriptions of Arkansas French that other visitors left behind. In any case, truth is that, pace Washington Irving and other detractors and romanticizers of colonial Arkansas, Post had a number of enterprising merchants and habitants (farmers) in eighteenth century who, though their obscured lives are usually beyond recovery, were in fact busily engaged in pursuing Irving's almighty dollar.3 principal exception to their virtual anonymity is a man named Jean Francois Menard.4Jean Francois Menard-he would soon lose Jean-was born in 1745 or 1746 in central France in tiny farming village of Sagonne (present-day population about two hundred) in what was then province of Bourbonnais. Francois's birthplace lay within what his first will called the jurisdiction of Moulin, meaning diocese see of which was Moulins, a city about thirty-five miles southeast of Sagonne. His par- ents, Antoine Menard and Jeanne Ferand, were also natives of Sagonne, and there is no telling how many generations of his family had hailed from town, which was already ancient when Francois was bom. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,001 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».