National and Urban Contexts for the Integration of the Immigrant Second Generation in the United States and Canada

The integration of the black, Chinese and other Asian immigrant second generation in the United States and Canada is affected by institutional and cultural differences between the two nations, as manifested at the urban level. Urban contexts matter because second generation minorities tend to remain in the high-immigration cities settled by their parents, and because of distinctive characteristics of these cities in each country. Immigrant parents in U.S. immigration cities faced relatively high native-born educational levels; their own educational levels were relatively lower, and this educational polarization reduced their earnings. Albeit parallel, the Canadian polarization pattern was much less pronounced. In the analysis presented here, variations across nations and cities in the local economic standing of immigrant parents have little relation to educational attainments of second-generation children, which are affected more by local standards for the native-born white urban middle-class. In effect, assimilation is segmented by nation and urban area, and not by social class. Ethnic differences from the local native-born educational standard are similar in the two countries – lower for second-generation blacks, higher for second-generation Chinese and other Asians. Data are from a merged file of five U.S. Current Population Surveys, 1995 2003, and the 2001 Canadian census public use microdata file. National and Urban Contexts for the Integration of the Immigrant Second Generation in the United States and Canada Given that characteristics of host societies shape the reception and integration of immigrants (Reitz 2003), the question arises whether these effects, and possibly others, carry over to affect the second generation, and if so, how and why. Comparative research can be useful in answering such questions, and this study focuses on the comparative experiences of the second generation in the United States and Canada. Previous research shows substantial differences in the economic standing of immigrants in the two countries, as a result of several significant institutional and cultural factors (Reitz 1998). These institutional and cultural factors could also affect the second generation. The differing circumstances of the immigrants may be important as well. This study explores the extent to which differing American and Canadian circumstances may or may not affect the second immigrant generation, and why. The paper begins with an outline of potential cross-national differences for the immigrant second generation that might be inferred from previous theory and comparative research. This considers crossnational differences in the aggregate, and also differences as manifested at the urban level where immigrants are concentrated. Then, previous research on the integration of the immigrant second generation within each country is considered in light of these possibilities. None of this previous research is comparative, and the data analysis which follows represents the first quantitative comparison of the integration of the immigrant second generation in the two countries. It is based on pooled data 2 from several Current Population Surveys over the period 1995 to 2003, and the Canadian census public use microdata sample file for 2001. Potential Implications of National Differences for the Second Generation The most pervasive theme in contrasting American and Canadian societies, as identified by S.M. Lipset (1968, 1989), is the greater American emphasis on the value of individualism and individual liberty, and the correspondingly greater Canadian concern with collective welfare. There is considerable evidence of this difference, drawn from attitude surveys and institutional analyses (Grabb and Curtis 2004). Although it may not be as extreme as the broader contrast between the two North American countries and Europe, as Esping-Anderson (1990) has pointed out, it is significant nonetheless. The American-Canadian contrast, which has been related to the experiences of recent immigrants (Reitz 1998), may also affect their children, and there are two dimensions to this potential effect on the second generation. One is related to equality of opportunity, the other to equality of outcomes. Individualism’s concern with fairness in the competitive process, and equality of opportunity in the pursuit of ‘happiness,’ has a direct bearing on the possibility of discrimination based on racial or ethnic origins, including both the original immigrant minorities and the second generation. In fact, the issue of discrimination has been seen a critical issue for the second generation, in contrast with the immigrant generation, which might face greater barriers to equal opportunity arising from foreign credentials, language problems, or cultural differences. Arguably, if Americans place a greater emphasis on the value of individualism, then the potential for such discriminatory treatment of the minority immigrant second generation may be less in that country. Such an equal-opportunity implication is far

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