Notice bibliographique
Résumé
In an age of mass communications, mass marketing, and what an Englishman might describe as massive surge in worldwide interest in his nation's (Hornby 21-24), it is not just football (a.k.a., soccer) that has gone global. Our combined conception of nation-state and hence national identity have followed suit, as developments within academy over last decade would confirm. During that time, interdisciplinary humanities and social science scholarship in and of United States proper has experienced a decisive shift away from self-contained study of toward what scholar John Carlos Rowe terms a Studies. In this new view, geopolitical borders generally - but those of United States in particular - have been translated into permeable contact zones where two-way exchange between proximal native and non-native cultures has achieved kind of normative status to which fans of most international of games long since have adapted (Rowe 51-64).My claim is that two trends - world football's global growth, and Americans' deepening cross-cultural awareness - are mutually reinforcing. On one hand, New Studies' ascendance has been synchronous with football at last finding a U.S. niche. On other hand, close overlap between them suggests a relational co-dependence that warrants our attention. I do not wish in what follows simply to repeat that soccer has come to United States to stay. Instead, I seek to bring to current discussions of Studies as a field, America as a post-national nation, and popular culture as manifested through sport what Brazilians call jogo bonito. Evidence suggests that the beautiful game has impacted United States' sense of itself in relation to its neighbors - intensifying, if not initiating, very border-crossing mentality that now defines cultural studies. Football, in other words, not only has arrived on these shores; it has redrawn America's boundaries and so reconfigured regional meaning of border.***Notwithstanding claims of football's global reach, commentary on its popularity in West has been sporadic. To cite but several examples of sport's hemispheric acceptance, consider that U.S. national squad now has qualified for four consecutive World Cups, football's quadrennial showcase tournament; that Moms have altered country's demographic landscape; and that Major League Soccer (MLS), nation's top-flight league for professionals, celebrated in 2005 its tenth anniversary with addition of two expansion franchises. The foreign import once called soccer today resides somewhere not far from Main Street, and close to U.S. mainstream.In midst of this rezoning, players and spectators on and off pitch have confirmed in arena of sport that aforementioned American paradigm that today permeates university campuses as much as it does contemporary media coverage of football. We might begin at level of language to test this assertion, with following observation: even as an increasingly common phrase like the Americas has begun to collapse semantic distinction between North, South, and Central components of shared longitudinal land mass that is America, football north of Rio Grande, and south of Canada's Hudson Bay, has become futbol among savvy regional (and regionally savvy) enthusiasts. Thus, we now find little hint of irony when non-Latinos roll Latinate expression for football off their tongues; rather, with one loaded vocal gesture, futbol speakers pay what seems to be genuine, if perhaps unwitting, homage to fervor and flair with which Latin Americans historically have celebrated during last century. Witness gleefully trilled r's that broadcasters in Fox Sports' Toronto office indulge in newscast coverage of Argentina's two-legged apertura (opening) and clausura (closing) football seasons as but one instance of this phenomenon. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,002 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,003 | 0,004 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,009 | 0,014 |
| Communication savante | 0,010 | 0,010 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,006 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,002 | 0,002 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,012 | 0,001 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».