Contradictions between Traditional Chinese Values and the Actual Performance: A Study of the Caregiving Roles of the Modern Sandwich Generation in Hong Kong*
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
INTRODUCTIONAn aging population is a worldwide phenomenon primarily caused by declining birth rates and longer life expectancy. In 1975, 5.7% of the Hong Kong population was aged 65 and above. The percentage has been increasing at an alarming rate, up to 6.46% in 1980, 8.51 % in 1990, 10.03% in 1996, and 12% in 2001 respectively (Hong Kong Census & Statistics Department, 2002). In absolute terms the number of people aged 65 and above is forecast to increase from about 747,000 in 2001 to about 1,092,000 in 2016-an increase of 46% (HKCSS, 1999). The rapid increase in the aged population has been having a tremendous impact on the labor market and the distribution of social resources, including social security, pensions, health care and housing. This phenomenon has aroused concern and a review of the issues related to its impact, especially the caregiving to the elderly (Bengtson & Putney, 2000; Chi, 1999; Liu Cheng & McGhee, 2001 ; Mok, 1994).In traditional Chinese society, the values of Confucian filial piety provide the basis to culturally define the inter-generational relationships. These values surpass all other ethics (Ho, 1996). Filial piety as a core ethic has been continuously practised, taught and appreciated in behavior, attitude, and belief throughout China (Tu, 1997: 172). The Confucian values have assumed that the care for the elderly is the responsibility of adult children, and therefore, basically the family's responsibility (Bengtson & Putney, 2000; Chow, 2001; Pak, 1996). Research has assumed filial piety to be a moral impulse in governing the inter-generational behavior (Chow, 2001: 127-128; Ganong, et al., 1998; Kwan, 2003; Kwok, 1996;Kosberg, 1992; Merrill, 1997; Montgomery, 2000). However, these values have undergone substantial modification with industrialization. 'In pre-industrial economics both land and businesses, which served as the family's source of sustenance, were owned by the oldest generation and passed down to the younger generation only at death. Hence, it was not the oldest generation that was dependent upon the younger generation, but rather the younger generation that was dependent on the older generation for housing and income. What care may have been provided to parents was, therefore, not necessarily based on a sense of moral obligation but instead stemmed from economic necessity' (Montgomery, 2000: 1019). However, the introduction of an industrial economy has changed substantially both the economic necessity and the moral obligation. First, when the traditional extended and interdependent family moves to the city, the adult children begin working for other employers, rather than having their father as their employer. The economic independent and financial power of the sons frequently enables them to achieve a dominant position in the family. Consequently, the adult children will usually move out to form their own nuclear families. Thus, the economic independence and formation of nuclear families has affected how the new generation perceives and performs filial piety.Second, the functions of the family are diminishing in modern society; the family no longer functions as the provider of education, health care, and vocational training for its members. These functions have now largely been taken over by government and other institutions. Moreover, the family is no longer the only source of moral training. More and more schools, nurseries, clubs, and the state are molding the worldview of the Chinese. Modern education tends to produce a generation which values achievement and the making of decisions on rational grounds. In addition, economic independence has also fostered rational and independent thinking and behavior (Ng, 1991: 178-181). Consequently, the new generation has substantially modified or changed how they perceive and perform the values of Confucian filial piety. Research has indicated that traditional filial piety is on the decline or under transformation (Chow, 2001; Ho, 1996; Kwan, 2003; Lui, et al, 1997;Ng, 1991). …
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».