Deconstruction in America
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
The author traces demographic history of United States with particular reference to immigration and impact of changes in pattern of post-World War II immigrants on cultural, fiscal, and economic condition of United States. Consideration is also given to constitutional implications of privileges extended to U.S. territories in Pacific. Key Words: Demography, Migration, U.S. Immigration Policy, Pacific territories, Bi-lingualism, Multi-Culturalism and Crime During past thirty-two years, Congress has enacted laws on immigration, citizenship, and territorial powers which are deconstructing United States as both a nation and a federal polity. For nearly two hundred after its independence from Great Britain in 1783, United States was demographically a nation with never less than 81 percent of being of European, and overwhelmingly Northern European, ancestry. As recently as 1950, European-Americans still constituted 90 percent of total of United States. The Changed Pattern of Immigration But all this has changed under continuing impact of 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act Amendments. The Congressional sponsors of this legislation publicly and repeatedly told citizens of United States it: (1) would not increase annual levels of immigration, (2) would not lower standards for admission, (3) would not redirect immigration away from Europe, and (4) would not alter demographic make-up of United States. For example, Senator Robert Kennedy declared the new immigration act would not have any significant effect on composition of U.S.1 His brother, Senator Edward Kennedy, floor manager of bill in Senate, asserted bill is not concerned with increasing immigration to this country, nor will it lower any of high standards we apply in selection of immigrants.2 And Representative Emanuel Celler, dean of House in 1965 and a Congressional opponent of U. S. immigration policy since 1924, insisted the effect of bill would be 'quite insignificant' on U. S. population and that bill would not let in 'great numbers of immigrants from anywhere', including Africa and Asia.3 What Senators and Congressman emphatically proclaimed as truth proved to be totally untrue. Between 1968, year when 1965 immigration law fully took effect, and 1996, annual level of legal immigration skyrocketed from approximately 300,000 to nearly one million. During 147 years between 1820 and 1967, of 44 million immigrants legally admitted to United States 80 percent came from Europe while another 9 percent came from Canada.4 As a result of 1965 immigration act, of more than 19 million immigrants legally admitted to United States in 28 years between 1968 and 1996 approximately 83 percent came from somewhere other than Europe or Canada. Asia and Pacific islands accounted for more than six million or 34 percent of total; Latin America and Caribbean islands accounted for almost nine million or 46 percent, and Africa accounted for nearly half a million or about 3 percent.5 During last 28 years, immigration from Europe totaled less than 3 million or barely 15 percent of all legal immigration while immigration from Canada amounted to less than half a million or less than 3 percent of total. This decline from 1820-1967 levels is more pronounced than these statistics reveal. While immigration from Asia means Asian immigrants, and immigration from Latin America means, with exception of Brazil and Haiti, ethnic Hispanic immigrants, immigration from Europe and Canada does not mean European immigrants. Africans, Asians, and Latin Americans are able to immigrate to various European countries, as well as to Canada, then remigrate to United States under quotas for those countries. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,002 | 0,002 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,016 | 0,034 |
| Communication savante | 0,009 | 0,006 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,010 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,002 | 0,005 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,008 | 0,001 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».