Hilary Pit-a-Pit Clapp (1894-1945): From "Wild" Igorot Filipino Boy to Christianized Doctor
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Hilary Pit-a-pit Clapp (1894-1945), a wild Igorot Filipino boy, was converted Christianity, given a Christian name, and brought Port Hope, Ontario, study at an elite Anglican boys' school from 1907 1910. Viewed through colonizing and Christianizing lens of dominant society in Edwardian Canada, Clapp was extremely fortunate be chosen for this erasure of his Indigenous religion and culture. Totally isolated from his own people, teenage Clapp proved be an eager and flexible learner at highly structured boarding school. His Canadian sojourn would irrevocably change path of his life, which was violently cut short in middle age. Sadly, no surviving records exist today of how Cl^pp or other Igorots regarded his re-education.This article explores story of Hilary Clapp and also ways in which Filipinos have negotiated, employed, and fought against orientalist thinking. Orientalism refers characterizations of, and attitudes toward, Asians as passive, exotic, uncivilized, fatalistic, and unable become modern without assistance of European-born individuals. As Edward Said observes, the Orient is not only adjacent Europe; it is also place of Europe's greatest and richest and oldest colonies, source of its civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one of its deepest and most recurring images of Other (Said 1).In late nineteenth and up mid-twentieth century, was a broadly interpreted term. It could include anyone deemed be less sophisticated and less educated than Westerners, though Philippines had its own university. implied non-Christian, yet Filipinos had been predominantly Christian since 1500s, and most self-identified as Roman Catholic.1 brought mind individuals who didn't speak European languages, yet many Filipinos spoke both English and Spanish. Canadian census takers described Filipinos' native language as Spanish, written using Roman alphabet, in contrast Chinese characters and kanji of other Asian languages.2 was, in short, a term that encompassed those deemed be less desirable migrants, labourers, and citizens in Canada and Western world.This article is part of a larger project understand history of Fil- ipinos in Canada using folklore theory (Marshall, forthcoming). Charles Briggs argues that it is important for folklorists to document [the] elite actors and dominant social sectors and institutions as well as those that these subjects relegate subordinate spheres (332). Briggs' comments are especially important today as global Indigenous peoples struggle reclaim their histories and have their stories told.Canadian census reports, border entry and passenger manifests, voter lists, assessment rolls, immigration statistics, directories, sessional papers, court records, and records of births, marriages, and deaths were investigated in course of research. As Filipino individuals were located throughout Canada, life stories were assembled by searching for information in local histories, digitized and microfilmed newspapers, and online records. In case of Hilary Clapp, I searched missionary and school archives.Stories narrating success, contributions, and martyrdom of Clapp served inspire and connect generations of Filipinos at home and throughout diaspora. Stories were valuable in marginal stage as people left nations and families, crossed international borders, and settled elsewhere. Stories were coloured by immigration laws that shaped arrival, experiences of racism, and stereotypes (Abu-Laban; Backhouse). Thus, stories expressed, transmitted, and reinforced culture, belief, and identity.The story of Hilary Pit-a-pit Clapp was set in motion in 1898, when United States defeated Spain and took possession of Philippines. This marked an end 333 years (1565-1898) of Spanish Roman-Catholic governance and allowed Protestant churches an opening into country. …
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Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,003 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
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