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Enregistrement W2907195218 · doi:10.1353/nyh.2018.0014

Roots in the Valley: Ginseng and the New York-Iroquois Borderlands, 1752–1785

2018· article· en· W2907195218 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Sherri Goldstein Cash

Notice bibliographique

RevueNew York History · 2018
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineBiochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology
ThématiqueGinseng Biological Effects and Applications
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésGinsengChinaHistoryCommodityEconomic historyAncient historyPolitical scienceArchaeologyBusinessMedicine

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Roots in the Valley:Ginseng and the New York-Iroquois Borderlands, 1752–1785 Sherri Goldstein Cash (bio) At the end of summer 1774, merchant Jelles Fonda penned instructions to "Send word to all the Indian Castels to gather wat theay Can."1 Writing from Caughnawaga, some twenty-seven miles west of Schenectady in the Mohawk Valley, Fonda sought ginseng roots. Ginseng, an indigenous plant that Native Americans, the Chinese, and European settlers and merchants knew well. In "sending word," Fonda called into visibility the economic relationship among these three far-flung groups. For centuries, people had used ginseng root to mitigate a variety of ailments from fatigue and headaches to infertility. The combination of this medical technology and economic impulses in Europe and Asia conjured an international market that put down commercial roots on the New York-Iroquois borderlands, some thirty years before the opening of direct U.S.-China commercial relations in 1784. Scholars of ginseng's human history have explored the emergence of the plant as the focus of European scientific inquiry and as a lucrative extractive commodity in international trade, especially in the late 1740s and early 1750s, when prices were exceedingly high. In Montreal, good quality ginseng that had fetched less than 2 francs per pound in 1747 brought 33 francs five years later. Meanwhile, ginseng prices increased by up to 3,000 percent as the commodity changed hands on its mercantile journey from Canada to China.2 [End Page 7] Yet, neither demand in China for ginseng nor the high prices asked for this commodity adequately explain the emergence of the ginseng market on the frontier. Analysis of the ginseng supply chain on the New York-Iroquois borderlands reveals that pre-existing conditions, the needs and desires of settlers, Native Americans, and slaves, and the establishment of commercial partnerships involving men and women planted the seeds of the market. Unpacking the human element in the broad concept of "market" reveals the actions and relationships among individuals and groups, helping to explain what was "in" ginseng for suppliers, and shedding light on the contours of frontier society. As an economic opportunity for frontier residents, however, ginseng was a short-lived panacea. It helped to fortify the more secure status of some, while offering a temporary, partial, or weak remedy for others. Ginseng's social history has interconnected places and peoples over millions of years. The very look of it, with its root splitting into two legs, suggested a human shape. The Chinese called it jen shen or ren shen; the Iroquois called it garent-oguen. They both boiled down to "resemblance to man."3 Chinese and Native American bodies of medical knowledge recognized ginseng root as a drug that invigorated and restored the body. For the Chinese, ginseng was a marvelous panacea, but for Native Americans, it was an ordinary medicine.4 Reminiscent of the migration of people from Asia to the Americas, the plant had moved across land masses through geologic time.5 In 1709, Pierre Jartoux, a French Jesuit in China, predicted that the plant grew in North America; he was right.6 In 1716, Mohawk Indian women at Kahnawake, Canada, helped French Jesuit Joseph Francois Lafitau to find it.7 American ginseng's habitat stretched from the wooded areas of Montreal to the Gulf Coast. The plant stood a few inches above ground, and sprouted five green leaves and a bunch of red berries. Asian ginseng, panax schiseng, is different from the North American variety, [End Page 8] panax quinquefolium. Chinese and Europeans believed that the American variety provided inferior medicine.8 Nevertheless, it sold. Many European botanists, physicians, and philosophers agreed with the Chinese exaltation of the root. Jartoux was "perswaded that it would prove an excellent Medicine in the hands of any European who understands Pharmacy."9 The Virginia colonist William Byrd reported that "it gives an uncommon Warmth and Vigor to the Blood, and frisks the Spirit, beyond any other cordial. It chears the Heart even of a Man that has a bad Wife."10 Philosopher John Locke referred to its powers to treat fevers and venereal disease."11 Benjamin Franklin recommended it for kidney stones.12 Indeed, Franklin announced...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,167
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,315

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,018
Tête enseignante GPT0,232
Écart entre enseignants0,214 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2018
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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