The Man Who Could Go Either Way: The Many Faces of Cowboy Masculinity in 1950s American Film and Advertising
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
This thesis explores the cowboy as an iconic figure of white masculinity in the middle-class in 1950s America, focusing on film and advertising as a means of interpreting images of idealized manhood.It explores films including High Noon, Rio Bravo, and The Searchers, as well as print advertising from Levi's and Marlboro, to juxtapose different projections of masculinity.It finds that, contrary to expectation, the cowboy was not just a singular image of stoicism and martial power, opposed to domesticity and consumerism.Instead, he was more of a language through which different values could be expressed.This creates an intriguingly contradictory image: the cowboy is domesticity and anti-domesticity, invincibility and anxiety, fashion and anti-fashion, and a relic of America's past and the herald of its future all at once.In this regard he becomes a surrogate for diverse masculinities interacting on the backdrop of the early Cold War.John Wayne way.We might as well do it the right way." 3 He has a strangely mixed character, equally a hero as a fool.4 And yet he still lives on in film, be it at the hands of Quentin Tarantino or in forgotten reruns on The Western Channel.In advertising, too, tough cowboys are used to sell products to people, whether they play those cowboy tropes straight or subvert them comically.5 He appears as a representative or advocate for countless products, representing individualism and folksy wisdom and rugged masculinity to sell products like beer, trucks, cigarettes, and even catheters.6 To me, too, the cowboy is a mixed symbol fraught with ambiguity.I am not an American, nor do I have any in my bloodline, and American conceptions of the cowboy are not much a part of Chinese-English Canadian heritage (any more than the usual bleed-over of American culture into Canada).But the cowboy is nonetheless a part of my childhood.Before my maternal grandfather died, he watched Westerns almost all day.He watched strong, almost-always white men in narratives where Chinese men were almost entirely absent, and imagined himself as a strong white hero.This hero, of course, was in the process of taking a gun to people of color and criminals (and/or both).And his ancestors, in the times depicted in many of those films, worked on the railroads with aching backs and calloused hands.Spurred on (get it?) in my youth by that cowboy image, I got a plastic toy revolver from a dollar store with a big orange nose on the 3 Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation (New York: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), p. 520. 4 Paul Dickson's War Slang tellingly carries two definitions for John Wayne: "(1) To act heroically.(2) A soldier who "acts it up" for the media, especially the camera."This source also corroborates Slotkin's observations.Paul Dickson, War Slang: American Fighting Words & Phrases Since the Civil War (New York: Dover Publications), p. 278.5 A Budweiser commercial comes to mind: the cowboy threatens violence against the townsfolk when the local saloon doesn't have Budweiser, but when a fresh shipment comes in… he leads the crowd in a spirited rendition of Elton John's Tiny Dancer."Budweiser Cowboy Commercial," YouTube, Sept. 2, 2011, accessed Feb. 29, 2016.Starts at 0:27 after an excruciatingly long introductory animation by the uploader.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HgOUcMjouvU 6 Really!Everything you need to know is in the title: "I'm a Professional Cowboy & I Use Catheters," YouTube, Mar.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,009 | 0,014 |
| Communication savante | 0,009 | 0,003 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,004 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».