Notice bibliographique
Résumé
The newly published Agriculture Bill promises the biggest reset in British agriculture since the 1940s. With the environment at its heart, its centrepiece is a new farm payment system that will reward farmers with money for ‘public goods’, such as better air, cleaner water, higher animal welfare standards, improved access to the countryside or measures that reduce flooding (see page 80). This so-called Environmental Land Management will be phased in over a seven-year transition period from 2021 and eventually replace the current subsidy system of Direct Payments in England. This pays farmers according to the total amount of land they farm and, as a result, has tended to skew payments towards the largest landowners rather than those farmers delivering specific public benefits. It is the second time the bill has been put before parliament. The first time was in September 2018 under former environment secretary Michael Gove, when he hailed his proposed reforms as an ‘historic moment’ for farming, providing an opportunity to ‘deliver a Green Brexit’. It met its death during the Brexit chaos and prorogation. However in its second iteration there has been no vast shift in the government's thinking. The bill has the same environmental focus and payment reform plans but there are a handful of additions such as a commitment to monitor and improve UK food security as well as improvements in tracking livestock movements between farmers. It may not be all plain sailing for the government But it may not be all plain sailing for the government. The bill has a significant omission: there is no binding commitment to prevent trade deals that allow the importation of food produced to lower standards than would be allowed by UK farmers. As we reported last week, farmers and environmental campaigners alike fear that British farming could be sold out in a lucrative trade deal with a country like the USA, for example, where there are lower standards of food safety and animal welfare regulations. This week Minette Batters and Friends of the Earth wrote a joint letter to Villiers arguing there was ‘no good reason’ for the government not to write into law protections against chlorine-washed chicken and hormone-treated beef from the USA. And in a letter responding to an editorial in The Times extolling the virtues of opening up our market to American chicken, the BVA stated: ‘Importing cheaper food from countries that allow poor welfare seriously risks undermining British farming.’ This is something that the BVA has also been consistently clear about. Before the bill was published, president Daniella Dos Santos asked for a firm commitment that goods produced to lower standards of animal health and welfare will not be permitted into the UK market. This single issue is likely to be a persistent backdrop to trade talks throughout the Brexit transition period, which commences next week and runs until 31 December, and beyond that into the post-Brexit era (there is still much work to do to secure trade deals with countries outside the EU, for example with Canada and Japan). And there are a number of other questions and details that need ironing out. For example, how exactly will public goods like biodiversity, animal welfare and carbon sequestration levels be measured? The Tories have been consistently critical about the Common Agricultural Policy system, saying it is bureaucratic, but this will require a bureaucracy of its own. In terms of animal welfare, will vets be turned into effective gatekeepers of the subsidies? Would they be comfortable fulfilling that role? Also, it will be interesting to see how the devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland respond. Since agriculture is devolved, they have the ability to design their own systems – which may, or may not, tally well with what has been decided for England.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».