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Enregistrement W3090690335

Clitic omission and clitic placement in French-Portuguese bilingual children

2018· article· en· W3090690335 sur OpenAlexaff
Margarida Tomaz, María Lobo, Ana Madeira, Carla Soares-Jesel, Stéphanie Vaz

Notice bibliographique

RevueRevista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses/Journal of Anglo-Portuguese Studies · 2018
Typearticle
Langueen
DomainePsychology
ThématiqueLanguage Development and Disorders
Établissements canadiensCanadian Linguistic Association
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésCliticPortugueseLinguisticsBrazilian PortugueseHistoryPsychologyPolitical sciencePhilosophy
DOInon disponible

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Clitic omission and clitic placement in French-Portuguese bilingual childrenIntroduction.Development of Portuguese in bilingual contexts is still an understudied topic, especially with pre-schoolers.The present study aims at investigating patterns of clitic omission and clitic placement in Portuguese by bilingual Portuguese-French children.French differs from Portuguese both in the contexts where clitic omission is allowed and in clitic placement patterns.In French, object omission is more restricted than in Portuguese.French has generalized proclisis, whereas European Portuguese (EP) has enclisis as the default pattern and proclisis triggered by specific contexts (negation, a subset of preverbal adverbs, a subset of quantified subjects, subordinate clauses, among others) [1].Although there is variation in clitic placement patterns in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), proclisis is the generalized pattern, as in French.The two varieties also differ in the distribution of null objects.Clitic production may be considered an interface phenomenon, since it requires the integration of syntactic and discourse factors, and also presumably semantic factors, since animacy has an influence on object drop (Duarte/Costa 2013;Raposo 2004;Lopes/Cyrino 2005).According to Müller & Hulk's hypothesis, interface phenomena may be subject to crosslinguistic interference in bilingual development.Clitic placement, on the other hand, is not conditioned by discourse factors.Many studies with bilingual children have found that clitic omission is higher in bilinguals than in monolinguals (Serratrice/Sorace/ Paoli 2004, Pirvulescu et al. 2014, Nardelli/Lobo 2017, Costa/Lobo/Pratas 2016; a.o.), although some studies did not find differences in omission rates (Tomescu/Avram 2016).As for clitic placement, although it stabilizes early in most languages, it develops late in EP monolinguals, arguably due to its complex patterns of clitic placement and variable input (Costa/Fiéis/Lobo 2015).Taking this into account, our study aims at answering the following research questions: i) is the development of French-Portuguese bilingual children similar to the one of Portuguese monolinguals?ii) does animacy, type of clitic (reflexive vs. non-reflexive) and syntactic context have an effect on clitic production/omission? iii) do we find crosslinguistic influence in clitic production and clitic placement?Methodology.Participants were 17 bilingual children, aged 3 to 5-years-old, second-generation heritage speakers of Portuguese living in France.Children had schooling in French but attended Portuguese classes twice a week (around 6 hours per week).All children were exposed both to Portuguese and French at home.6 children had BP as L1, while the other 11 had EP as L1.The variety spoken at school by the teacher is the EP variety.Children were administered 2 tests: 1) a clitic production test, adapted from Nardelli/ Lobo (2017), but unlike previous studies, in the accusative conditions we controlled for the animacy of the object; 2) a clitic placement test, adapted from Costa/Fiéis/Lobo (2015) that elicited only reflexive clitics in enclisis and proclisis contexts [2].Results and discussion.Global results [3] show that both groups of bilinguals have a low production of object acc.pronouns, which contrasts with the production of refl.clitics, and which is lower than that of monolinguals.The rates of omission are always higher with inanimate antecedents [4].We confirm that the pattern of clitic/pronoun production in the bilinguals is globally similar to the one found in monolinguals (more omission in acc.contexts than in refl.contexts; more omission in simple sentences than in islands), but with higher rates of omission.BP/FR have high rates of DP production in simple s.As for the clitic placement experiment, the two groups of bilinguals clearly differ: BP/FR bilinguals have a predominantly proclitic pattern, as expected in the BP variety; EP/FR bilinguals predominantly produce enclisis in enclitic contexts, with some rate of proclisis, and predominantly produce proclisis in proclitic contexts, although with some rate of enclisis [5].Compared to the monolinguals studied in Costa, Lobo & Fiéis (2015), EP/FR bilinguals produce more proclisis both in enclitic contexts and in proclitic contexts.This may be attributed to a crosslinguistic effect from French.We can, thus, conclude that areas that do not involve the syntax-discourse interface may also be vulnerable to crosslinguistic influence in bilingual acquisition, although the global pattern of development is essentially the same as the one found in monolingual acquisition: reason clauses (adverbial clauses) and quantified subjects are the contexts in which proclisis develops later [6].It is also very clear that, although the children with Brazilian parents are exposed to the EP variety at school, they maintain the Brazilian pattern of clitic placement.The two groups behave differently with respect to clitic placement and clitic production.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction machine sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,002
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,006
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Observationnel · Signal consensuel: Observationnel
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,092
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,184

Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0020,006
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0010,001
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,001
Bibliométrie0,0020,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,001
Communication savante0,0030,001
Science ouverte0,0010,001
Intégrité de la recherche0,0010,001
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0040,001

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,027
Tête enseignante GPT0,340
Écart entre enseignants0,313 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeObservationnel
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2018
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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Même revueRevista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses/Journal of Anglo-Portuguese StudiesMême sujetLanguage Development and DisordersTravaux en français237 207