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Enregistrement W3112562868 · doi:10.1215/15476715-8643640

<i>The Communist International, Anti-Imperialism and Racial Equality in British Dominions</i> by Oleksa Drachewych

2020· article· en· W3112562868 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Stefan Berger

Notice bibliographique

RevueLabor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas · 2020
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueItalian Fascism and Post-war Society
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésCommunismEurocentrismPoliticsPolitical scienceLeagueColonialismForeign policyInternational relationsPolitical economyEconomic historyLawSociologyHistory

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

For some time now studies on the history of communism have taken a transnational and comparative turn — a development that has undoubtedly produced a range of intriguing insights into the emergence of a global movement that shaped the outlook of the twentieth century. Oleksa Drachewych’s book is another outstanding example of this overall trend.This published version of a doctoral thesis completed at McMaster University highlights the important role of the Comintern in developing communist thinking on race, imperialism, and national self-determination across the communist world. Drachewych underlines the importance of Lenin’s thought in shaping the general disposition of the Comintern toward those issues, and he highlights the vital interventions of the Indian communist M. N. Roy. He also acknowledges the crucial role of Willi Münzenberg’s League against Imperialism. But, he notes how, later on, Stalin’s priorities in international politics had a strong influence on the Comintern’s actions, turning it, in effect, into an institution pursuing the foreign policy aims of the Soviet Union. While his analysis highlights the pioneering role of the Comintern in making racial discrimination and imperialism a global concern and attracting many who were fighting for national self-determination in the colonial world, the author is also very clear that the issue of anti-imperialism ultimately would not sideline the Eurocentrism of the Comintern, as the Soviet Union’s main foreign policy concerns continued to lie in Europe.Nevertheless, the Comintern was one of the first political organizations to turn systematically to the “Negro question,” turning the plight of black people across the world into a major political issue. Its struggle against racism and imperialism gave communism a credibility in anti-imperialist movements across the colonized world that made many anti-imperialist leaders turn to communism or, at the very least, develop strong sympathies for communism.Scholars of the communist movement have for some time now explored the relationship between the centralized agency of the Comintern and the localized agencies of national communist parties. Here, Drachewych introduces an interesting new idea of prioritization (4). Combining an in-depth study of the Comintern’s actions and positions vis-à-vis imperialism and racial equality with an in-depth analysis of the positions taken by the three communist parties of South Africa, Canada, and Australia, the author shows, on the one hand, how national parties had the power to interpret the guidelines coming from the Comintern in their own ways. They could postpone the implementation of the Comintern’s directives, resist particular interpretations, or put emphasis elsewhere. However, Drachewych also emphasizes the agenda-setting powers of the Com-intern. No national party could ultimately escape positioning itself vis-à-vis statements coming from Moscow. Hence, the Comintern had the power to prioritize certain issues over others. And the Comintern also succeeded time and again in removing national communist leaders from power who continuously refused to toe the line, thereby ensuring that national parties did not deviate too much from the ideological lines formulated in Moscow.Thus, for example, each of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada, Australia initially accepted that their countries were part of the British Empire and their overriding concerns were not with defeating Britain but rather with issues of class and greater class equality. Eventually the Comintern’s work ensured that all three parties gave greater attention to issues of race and colonialism. The Communist Party of South Africa especially did so only after much resistance and soul-searching. Its leaders, after all, took the position that class issues were more important than race issues. They argued that once the working class had been liberated racial equality would naturally follow. Only through the interventions of the Comintern did the party take up the struggle of black people for liberation. In the end, the Communist Party of South Africa became one of the main political forces fighting against apartheid in the struggle of black (and some white) South Africans to defeat one of the longest-serving racist regimes in the twentieth century. In Canada, the Communist Party initially refused to accept that French Canadians had the right to national self-determination and it was again only through the interventions of the Comintern that a process of rethinking its position came under way. Drachewych’s study is also highly innovative in that it is among the first to discuss the Communist Parties’ positioning toward the First Nations in Australia and Canada — an issue that the Communist Parties of those countries had ignored for a long time and that the Comintern brought to their attention — often very successfully. Thus the Australian Communist Party was the first party in Australia to develop a progressive policy for improving the rights of indigenous people, in 1931. This was in marked contrast to the party completely ignoring this issue when it was founded in the early 1920s.In his comparison of the development of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada, and Australia Drachewych impressively underlines how the Comintern’s influence eventually turned all three local parties to anti-imperialist and antiracist strategies, something that had been peripheral to their concerns at their foundation. The Comintern was also crucial in turning their attention to the discussion of the fate of the colonized people in their own countries. However, local conditions mattered greatly in determining how the agendas of the Comintern were taken up. Overall, Drachewych’s book shows convincingly that the Comintern was of vital importance in anchoring anti-imperialism, national self-determination, and the fight for racial equality in the wider history of communism, even if these issues played out very differently in different parts of the world.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,001
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,617
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,998

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,001
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,004
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0010,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,048
Tête enseignante GPT0,323
Écart entre enseignants0,276 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2020
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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