Recovering Hygienic Modernity in the World of COVID-19

NotesMary Augusta Brazelton is a University Senior Lecturer in the Department of History and Philosophy of Science at the University of Cambridge. She is a historian of science and medicine in modern China, focusing on the twentieth century, and the author of Mass Vaccination: Citizens’ Bodies and State Power in Modern China (Cornell, 2019). Department of History and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge, Free School Lane, Cambridge CB2 3RH, United Kingdom; [email protected].1 George Barton, “Dr. George Barton’s Report on the Health of Shanghai for the Half-year Ended 31st March 1871,” in Customs Gazette No. X—April–June, 1871, Part VI, Medical Reports for the Half Year Ended 31st March, 1871 (Shanghai: Customs Press, 1883), pp. 30–32, on p. 30; and Samuel Abbot, trans., Report to the International Sanitary Conference, of a Commission from That Body, on the Origin, Endemicity, Transmissibility, and Propagation of Asiatic Cholera (Boston: Alfred Mudge and Son, 1867), p. 9.2 John L. Meares, Report of the Health Officer of the City and County of San Francisco for the Fiscal Year Ending June 30th, 1877 (San Francisco: Spaulding & Barto, 1877), p. 13; see also Nayan Shah, Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco’s Chinatown (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 2001), p. 1.3 Ruth Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 2004).4 Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1990); and Warwick Anderson, Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical Medicine, Race, and Hygiene in the Philippines (Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 2006).5 See Shu-mei Shih, The Lure of the Modern: Writing Modernism in Semicolonial China, 1917–1937 (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 2001).6 Katherine A. Mason, Infectious Change: Reinventing Chinese Public Health after an Epidemic (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 2016), pp. 143–180.7 Lydia Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity—China, 1900–1937 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1995).8 See Jing Tsu, “Historians of Science Translating the History of Science: Blur versus Grit,” Isis, 2018, 109:789–795.9 Colin Wark and John F. Galliher, “Emory Bogardus and the Origins of the Social Distance Scale,” American Sociologist, 2007, 38:383–395, esp. pp. 389–391.10 Ka-che Yip, Health and National Reconstruction in Nationalist China: The Development of Modern Health Services, 1928–1937 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Association for Asian Studies, 1995); David Lampton, The Politics of Medicine in China: The Policy Process, 1949–1977 (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1977); and AnElissa Lucas, Chinese Medical Modernization: Comparative Policy Continuities, 1930s–1980s (New York: Praeger, 1982).11 Nathan Sivin, “Imperial China: Has Its Present Past a Future?” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 1978, 38:449–480, on p. 480. For work in history of science and medicine in China that belies the claim of “newness” see Joseph Needham et al., Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1954–); Ralph Croizier, Traditional Medicine in Modern China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1968); Sivin, Traditional Medicine in Contemporary China (Ann Arbor: Univ. Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1987); and K. Chimin Wong and Wu Lien-teh, History of Chinese Medicine: Being a Chronicle of Medical Happenings in China from Ancient Times to the Present Period (Tianjin: Tientsin, 1932). Outside the anglophone context see, for medical history, Chen Bangxian 陈邦贤, Zhongguo yixue shi 中國醫學史 [History of Chinese medicine] (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937); and Xie Guan 謝觀, Zhongguo yixue yuanliu lun 中國醫學源流論 [On the origins and development of medicine in China] (1935; Taibei: Jinxue shuju, 1970). See also T. J. Hinrichs, “New Geographies of Chinese Medicine,” Osiris, 1998, N.S., 13:287–325.12 Benjamin Elman, “New Directions in the History of Modern Science in China: Global Science and Comparative History,” Isis, 2007, 98:517–523; see also Fa-ti Fan, “Redrawing the Map: Science in Twentieth-Century China,” ibid., pp. 524–538, which lays out important possibilities for the history of science in China. This assumption also underlay a 1998 issue of Osiris; see Morris Low, “Beyond Joseph Needham: Science, Technology, and Medicine in East and Southeast Asia,” Osiris, 1998, N.S., 13:1–8.13 Yulia Frumer, “What Is and Isn’t in a Name,” Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 2019, 42:150–166, on p. 154.14 Bridie Andrews, The Making of Modern Chinese Medicine, 1850–1960 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2014); Sean Hsiang-lin Lei, Neither Donkey nor Horse: Medicine in the Struggle over China’s Modernity (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2014); Lei, “Moral Community of Weisheng: Contesting Hygiene in Republican China,” East Asian Science, Technology, and Society, 2009, 3:475–504; Hilary A. Smith, Forgotten Disease: Illnesses Transformed in Chinese Medicine (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 2017); David Luesink, “Dissecting Modernity: Anatomy and Power in the Language of Science in China” (Ph.D. diss., Univ. British Columbia, 2012); and Luesink, “Anatomy and the Reconfiguration of Life and Death in Republican China,” Journal of Asian Studies, 2017, 76:1009–1034.15 Chieko Nakajima, Body, Society, and Nation: The Creation of Public Health and Urban Culture in Shanghai (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2018); Liping Bu, Public Health and the Modernization of China, 1865–2015 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017); Nicole Barnes, Intimate Communities: Wartime Healthcare and the Birth of Modern China, 1937–1945 (Oakland: Univ. California Press, 2018); Tina Phillips Johnson, Childbirth in Republican China: Delivering Modernity (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011); Howard Chiang, After Eunuchs: Science, Medicine, and the Transformation of Sex in Modern China (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2018); Xiaoping Fang, Barefoot Doctors and Western Medicine in China (Rochester, N.Y.: Univ. Rochester Press, 2012); Miriam Gross, Farewell to the God of Plague: Chairman Mao’s Campaign to Deworm China (Oakland: Univ. California Press, 2016); and Wayne Soon, Global Medicine in China: A Diasporic History (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 2020).16 Zhang Daqing 张大庆, Zhongguo jindai jibing shehui shi 中国近代疾病社会史 [A social history of disease in modern China] (Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006); Yu Xinzhong 余新忠, Qingdai weisheng fangyi jizhi ji qi jindai yanbian 清代卫生防疫机制及其近代演变 [Qing dynasty mechanisms of hygiene and disease prevention, and their modern evolution] (Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 2016); and Liang Qizi (Angela Leung) 梁其姿, Miandui jibing: chuantong Zhongguo shehui de yiliao guannian yu zuzhi 面对疾病：传统中国社会的医疗观念与组织 [In the face of illness: Traditional Chinese society’s medical ideas and organization] (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2012). Leung has uniquely contributed to scholarship in Chinese medical history across French, English, and Chinese scholarly communities.

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