Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Abstract Examples from two ethnographic studies illustrate how reflection is essential in order to perceive the truth of others. The first example describes how cultural misunderstandings between Moroccans and Canadians living in a small Israeli village engendered arguments, and how the author strived to gain greater objectivity and to examine the meanings she was imposing on events. The second example describes an interview study with Israeli Arab and Jewish educators, and the author's attempts to externalize and examine her own feelings, values and opinions in order to achieve greater objectivity and stronger internal validity. Introduction As a Canadian living in Israel I have become more and more aware of how culture, values, insider and outside knowledge and personal influence the ways qualitative researchers analyze and present their data. The journey from Canada, where I shared the mainstream experiences and values (and thus seldom reflected on them) to Israel, where I am an outsider in so many ways, has immeasurably sharpened my sensitivity to the workings of culture. As Fetterman (1998) writes, the concept of culture becomes immediately meaningful after cross-cultural ... Attitudes or habits that natives espouse virtually without thinking are distinct and clear to the stranger (p. 17). This is certainly true, but in order to ascribe proper meanings to the attitudes or habits of those in a strange culture, the researcher must externalize and evaluate her own attitudes and habits. My values and experiences are those of a Canadian, an academic, a woman, a grandmother, a Jew. As I have sought to understand the experiences of Jews, Arabs and Christians in Israel I have discovered as never before how one's native culture works as a set of tinted glasses through which the world is perceived. Through vignettes from two ethnographic studies (Court, 2002; Court, 2004) I will illustrate how reflection is essential in order to see beyond personal to perceive the truth of others. The goal of many qualitative studies is to arrive at a 'true' description and interpretation of the lives of the people studied. This means identifying norms and values that underlie participants' actions in a particular setting and reaching understanding of the meanings they ascribe to their actions, rather than imposing external meanings. A study's internal validity is dependent on the extent to which the researcher succeeds at these tasks. Together with rigorous application of traditional methods of reaching internal validity, the qualitative researcher is called on to do continuous self-checking about her interpretations. In the end, the way the researcher interprets and presents her carefully collected data is dependent also on who she is, what she values and the extent to which she is willing to externalize and critique her intuitive understandings. Denzin (1997) writes that the most important criterion of internal validity is verisimilitude, a text's ability to reproduce and map the real (p.10). A research report with high verisimilitude provides the reader, through vivid description and extensive narrative quotations, with the opportunity for vicarious experience (Stake, 1995, p.86) and allows the reader to make naturalistic (as opposed to propositional) generalizations. Naturalistic generalizations are conclusions arrived at through personal engagement in life's affairs or by vicarious so well constructed that the person feels as if it happened to themselves (Stake, 1995, p.85). Traditional methods of reaching internal validity include triangulation of research tools (seeking information through interviews, observations and document analysis) and informants (interviewing people with different roles, viewpoints and backgrounds), spending long periods in the field and inviting reliability checks from other researchers. These methods are essential, but they are not enough. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,053 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».