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Enregistrement W3157050967 · doi:10.4103/ijmr.ijmr_593_21

Tribal health & culture

2021· article· en· W3157050967 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
RK Mutatkar

Notice bibliographique

RevueThe Indian Journal of Medical Research · 2021
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineNursing
ThématiqueChild Nutrition and Water Access
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésFaithCausationModern medicineHealth promotionHealth careMedicineEnvironmental ethicsSociologyNursingPolitical sciencePublic healthTraditional medicineLawEpistemology

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Health in common parlance refers to the total fitness of an individual, which would ensure performance of social roles to one's optimum efficiency. Health is an aspect of culture like economic, political, social and religious aspects of life. Culture being an integrated whole, all aspects are inter-related. In any traditional society, like the tribal society, the integration is close knit, the static or equilibrium spirit overriding the dynamic nature of culture. Health aspects could be classified into softer or visible aspects such as ill health or disease, which needs treatment, with or without drugs. Ideas about prevention of disease and promotion of health, and causation of illness are part of hard core of culture, which would manifest in the area of faith. Cause and effect relationship about health and illness therefore, fall in the areas of belief system. The treatment, which may be herbal or of synthetic drugs in modern medicine, is guided by results, which could be classified as material culture, or soft aspects of culture. Magico-religious procedures are also followed in health, more so in tribal society, but not totally absent in the developed societies. There is no vacuum of knowledge or practices, in matters of health and medicine in any society. There are professionals in tribal society, generally referred to as bhagats (a ritualistic medicine man) and vaidu (herbalist), who have good knowledge of herbal medicine. A dai (midwife) who conducts deliveries also possesses good knowledge of medicine, specially related to women and children. Tribal people have faith in them since these are members of the local community, as their kin, and are always available. Conceptual issues In classical anthropology, there is no specific ethnography about health issues. There is description about foods offered to gods, guests at rituals. There is also documentation about the shamans (spiritual healers), bhagats and their magico-religious practices, not as much about their knowledge and practices about treatment of diseases and about the medicinal herbs, which were later classified as ethnomedicine and ethnobotany, respectively. Although the magico-religious practices of shamans or bhagats may have psychological effect about cure of ailment, better than the placebo effect, these practices are shunned in public health care, and are branded as superstition and exploitative. However, spiritual healing miracles of Mother Teresa are formally recognized1. The basic philosophy and principles of life, which help to evolve cultures through historical process, would be similar, for all communities including the Indian tribal communities and American Indians. The universals of man–environment, man–man, and man–supernatural relationships create distinctive cultures of respective communities. This has also been referred as ‘Psychic Unity of Mankind’ by some anthropologists2. The tribal communities living in isolation in the forest, hill tops in difficult terrain, on islands, not too much disturbed by the invaders in historical times, lived autonomous lives establishing symbiotic relationship with nature. Now, they are citizens of respective Nation-States. It is obvious that man had to find his food from the environment in the neighbourhood. Studies on humankind, food and environment at different time points suggest that early man (now referred to as indigenous or tribal people) as collector of food, like other living beings in nature, had to get his nutrition and food from the geographical area of his habitat. Man learnt the technique of collecting roots, tubers, fruits, leaves and game by processing it to make it edible. Even now, in the tribal belts, during rainy season, several types of leafy and fruit vegetables are collected by the tribals as food. They know how to detoxify the harmful elements of food products. The following are a few excerpts chronologically presented to highlight related observations: 1955- “In many areas of the world, people whose nutritional pattern appears, according to Western standards, to be inadequate, actually present a picture of health. In sections of Africa where mixed cultivation is still practiced and cash crops have not been taken up, the nutritionists have been surprised to find such health and growth as presupposes adequacy of diet”3. 1965- “Tubers of all sorts, grubs, ant eggs, bird nests, mushrooms, berries, and teas brewed from the buds of evergreen and other plants have supplied diets adequate in proteins and vitamins to countless generations of people who had acquired empirically a nutritional wisdom similar to that of wild animals. The diet of primitive people, quantitatively limited and monotonous as it may be, thus includes many items not recorded in textbooks of nutrition. In many areas, empirical but useful culinary practices have been developed to improve the nutritive value of certain products”4, and ”In theory, all human beings have essentially the same nutritional requirements and suffer in a similar way from the various kinds of deficiencies. In practice, however, immense numbers of human beings all over the world remain healthy and vigorous on diets that are considered grossly deficient by nutritionists and would appear close to a famine ration for the American public. This paradoxical state of affairs can be explained in part by more efficient use of foodstuffs in underprivileged populations. As we have seen, many primitive people have developed empirical practices that permit them to find fairly adequate subsistence under conditions where food supplies are restricted”4. 1989-”Dietary habits of populations in different regions of the world have been determined mainly by the availability of foods locally and local practices. Man has evolved his habitual dietary pattern to maintain good health, perhaps after a good deal of trial and error. Satisfaction of hunger is usually the primary criteria for adequate food intake”5. 2011- “Man is a cooking animal. The beasts have memory, judgment, and all the facilities and passions of our mind in a certain degree; but no beast is a cook”6, and ”The entire history of the human being has been divided into two parts, time when they used to gather and hunt their food that was grown naturally and time when they started cultivating and rearing their food. Gaining command over the sources of food through domestication has been called a revolution; undoubtedly that revolution has remained the most significant one in human history. Processing food for preserving or consuming the same, cooking is a part of that effort, marks another extremely significant dividing line between the humans and the non-humans”6. 2014- “Early tracts by anthropologists and colonial administrators describe these isolated communities, mostly living in remote hills and forested regions, as distinct, relatively homogenous and self-contained social and cultural entities. These studies were mostly preoccupied with their culture and social arrangements, and dwelt less on their material conditions – of poverty, illness and hunger”7. Tribal ethnography The first field training excursion of the postgraduate anthropology students of Pune University at Maharashtra, India, was undertaken in the interior tribal area at Laheri village, ahead of Bhamragad in Chanda District (renamed as Chandrapur and now a part of newly created Gadchiroli District) in the last week of December 1963. We were shocked to see early morning, the cattle in the open, with dew-drops on their bodies in severe winter. We were wondering why they were not in the cattle shade, until we found the families including babies, sleeping around fire in the open. We were also surprised and embarrassed to see all women topless and barely a piece of cloth covering the thighs. All men were wearing only langoti, a piece of cloth covering the genital and anus. The Madia village headman, Gaita, visited us every day morning for a cup of black tea. We were carrying powder milk since the tribal people did not milch their cows. According to them, as mother's milk was meant for the babies, cow's milk was meant for the calves. The Gaita never carried any water for going for field defecation but used the tree leaves as tissue paper. One of the days, I went for ritual hunting with the villagers to the forest on the hill. All the tribal residents of the village including the babes in arm went for hunting, except very old persons and women in menstrual period. The villagers had carried the snare-nets and spears to the forest to trap the deer. Simultaneously, the women were collecting the tubers, leaves of trees, skin of some trees and firewood. At the end of the day, all men and women from the village were carrying some forest collection on their heads except me. Among the Madia, separate huts are provided behind the main house for women in menstrual cycle to live for four days. Similar custom has been reported among the American Indians. “Menstruating women usually occupied a separate lodge, had a special diet, and were relieved of work during their periods”8. Among the Bhils in the hilly tract of Dhadgaon (Nandurbar district), Maharashtra, during a ritual, three goats were sacrificed to propitiate their deities. As a part of the ritual the deities were worshiped by a representative of each hamlet of the village Jamana. We, students with teachers, as a group, were also treated as a distinct hamlet for the purpose of offering worship. The mutton was cooked in three earthen pots by the side of the river on slow fire with only turmeric and salt as spices. Similarly, during field trip in Bastar, we were supplied with two big earthen pots to cook rice and chicken910. At a saturday weekly market, we could see an old woman selling three brinjals or two to three fish on a leaf for barter sell. Sonu Patil, a local Thakar tribal leader from Kortad (Mokhada taluka, Palghar District), showed me at a shop, from a distance, as to how the tribals were exploited. A woman came with Ragi millet, on her head in a piece of cloth, gave it to the trader and asked for some salt, chilli and turmeric powders seen in glass bottles. There was no consideration or discussion about the price of her millet or of what she purchased (value-in-use). We have seen a tribal person walking five kilometers to a weekly market to purchase two tablespoonful of edible oil, in a small bottle. At Daskot village, in the same area, we saw the tribals leaving their cattle in a nearby forest on the hill, for grazing, during entire summer. They would bring them back only after the onset of monsoon. This area, though in close proximity to Jawhar town, was a part of Mokhada taluka. After the construction of road linking Sakharshet (having a primary healthcare center) to the villages, Vavar and Vangni up the hills, 135 children from these villages perished in an epidemic of measles. As Symington noted in his poverty report11, written more than 80 years ago about West Khandesh Bhil area, the problem of tribal people was not their isolation but increasing contact with the outside world. Raja of Aheri in Chandrapur (now Gadchiroli district) told in 1963 that the construction of roads in tribal areas facilitated their exploitation by the traders. At Suryamal village in Mokhada taluka, a woman named Mangibai Thakar did bone setting on sheep, cattle and humans. She would use a bamboo stick and tie the bones after setting and would also give internal medicine for which she charged 10/ per case. Patients from nearby non-tribal urban areas also came for treatment. Christopher Columbus and such other sea voyagers from European countries, many of them heading towards India for its black spices such as black pepper and clove (black gold), navigated to the shores of North American Continent, identifying the land as that of India and the people they confronted as Indians. Indigenous people got branded as ‘Indians or Red Indians’. Some of the voyagers, who became ill, were treated successfully by the ‘Indian’ medicine men with herbs. These examples are well documented, by the voyagers as follows. ”During the bitter cold winter of 1535 – 36, the three ships of Jacques Cartier were frozen fast in the fathom – deep ice of the St. Lawrence River near the site of Montreal. …. Soon Scurvy was so rampant among them that by mid March twenty five men had died and the others ….. were so ill that hope for their recovery was abandoned. …. Cartier had the good fortune to encounter once again the local Indian Chief, Domagaia, who had cured himself of the same disease with ‘the juice and sappe of a certain tree’. The Indian women gathered branches of the magical tree ‘boiling the bark and leaves for a decoction, and placing the dregs upon the legs’. All those so treated rapidly recovered their health, and the Frenchmen marveled at the curative skill of the natives”. ”These Indians had never heard of vitamin C, and there was no value in the external application of their remedy. …. More than 200 years, after Cartier's experience, James Lind a British Naval Surgeon having read of these incident, launched the experiments which proved the dietary basis of Scurvy”. ”Logan Clendenin reports that the Cartier account was noticed by James Lind of Edinburgh (1716-94), a British Naval Surgeon whose experiments with Scurvy patients led to the conclusions that lemon juice was the best preventive”8. The indigenous knowledge about the environment and its judicious use for the immediate needs is visible in a tribal village in every house. A wooden structure, walls of bamboo or local wooden sticks cemented and plastered with the mixture of clay and cow dung, roof of handmade baked earthen tiles is the house. One big room is divided into compartments, indicated by mud thresholds or wooden sticks, a raised mud wall to keep the drinking water pots, and a kitchen in a corner. Opposite corner could have a bath place for women, made private with a mud wall. There would be a hard pit in the room to hand-pound paddy, millets and pulses. One part of the room with separate entrance is reserved for cattle and sheep, with a drain for the urine to go out of the house in the backyard kitchen garden. The room may have a wooden ceiling with a wooden ladder to climb, to store the grain in bamboo baskets or bins made of thick ropes, made from grain husk. There is nothing purchased from the market. In traditional houses, one can see, cooking and kitchen utensils made from pottery and stone. Outside the house could be seen heaps of palm-shaped leaves to instantly lift the dung of fowl, due to their movements in the room. The room and surrounding is cleaned at least thrice in a day with a hand-made broom. Size of the house is a status symbol. Except for the supporting beams and pillars, all wooden material is collected as dead wood in the forest, including fuel wood. Wood for beams and pillars is also from the forest, but from the trunk of live trees, and processed in water to last for decades and seem to be termite free. A stone slab in the forest was seen being revered by the tribal people, with an that the with of fuel food on the when of carrying the defecation is found around the no of urine or in the village, as an of village, by Even in the forest, defecation is with by way of cow dung is or the of leaves and on the and is seen by way of to each of the made to local as also from the game from ritual hunting in the wild is for the of Even among there is a of trees, hills, which are The and offered to the deities are of medicinal value and used when the We find the tribal communities living in symbiotic relationship with nature, of their health, the health of their as members of the and of the environment around there is an it could be as due to All the villagers the village for a week or to the forest and after following certain rituals. isolation is followed in such In areas where every house had bamboo with a we saw a wooden at the the to the The among the tribal communities has never been by the which tribal people to This is due to the custom of land and forest have never been an of or in tribal Tribal has been as primitive in including land have been used for basic but have never been by At there has been of In a field in among the of it was seen that the land acquired by the local through was found to be among the tribal families in a village, on which about of crops for were In Bastar, a in was found to be by the for the river from one to without any being and without any tribal The British however, of the to use the for their and for such as The tribal has been a subsistence in which food is through collection of forest and primitive the tribals have never been the of food as they could get from nature through collection of food. The relationship of tribals and forest has been proved when during in the tribals did not suffer as much as since the tribals to get food from the It is that of hunger and among the tribal people are due to of to their food in food there is of medicinal which also of and There are tribal who have good knowledge of medicinal plants in the and the who have been during and In the Health no consideration is to the indigenous knowledge and practices of the people about health and nutrition. the in the indigenous knowledge of the tribal people and it with modern the of local with knowledge of medicinal and of are in health care, could be more special treatment to tribal communities by the of India is due to historical and geographical of health and nutrition are the of their to traditional of The which is the of pattern has to be to back the of their traditional pattern of by of the by the to and the The of and have to be made to them through of tribal members in and are to be like have been about the of tribal communities living in with the The for but not for in of traditional tribal life. with and have been about these issues. had the lives of tribals in Africa from close had named the village, following the of in as refers to the tribal The by his to tribal people, was by has been one of the of In the in the to special treatment to tribal communities by the of The of the by the and were to back the of their traditional pattern of about the last man always to the and for the tribal communities, to their as In the of integrated and tribal culture as a One Health has to be as a value of

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,008
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,004
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesIntégrité de la recherche, Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: aucune
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,712
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0080,004
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0010,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,002
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0010,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,113
Tête enseignante GPT0,476
Écart entre enseignants0,363 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations5
Publié2021
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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Même revueThe Indian Journal of Medical ResearchMême sujetChild Nutrition and Water AccessTravaux en français237 207