MétaCan
Menu
Retour à la cohorte
Enregistrement W4240944958 · doi:10.1353/pah.2006.0052

Sir Henry Page Croft and Conservative Backbench Campaigns for Empire, 1903-1932

2006· article· en· W4240944958 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Larry L. Witherell

Notice bibliographique

RevueParliamentary History · 2006
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiquePolitical and Economic history of UK and US
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésEmpireTariffPoliticsContext (archaeology)SociologyLawEconomic historyPolitical economyPolitical scienceHistoryArchaeology

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Sir Henry Page Croft and Conservative Backbench Campaigns for Empire, 1903-1932* Larry L. Witherell In a demonstration that not all has been written on the politics of tariff reform and the empire, Dr Andrew Thompson argues that the characterization of tariff reform as 'a domestic political cocktail' needs balancing: tariff reform was primarily empire-minded and focused on the preferential nature of tariffs for the purpose of 'reorganizing the empire'.1 His consideration of the 'imperial strategy' is confined to the political élite within only the pre-war Tariff Reform League. Accordingly, there is a need to examine the activities of a broader range of participants and the consequential political dynamics within an extended chronological period and the need to examine the extent to which the imperial idea travelled into the ranks of the Conservative party and with what strategies the empire and imperial preference were promoted. The present article examines the strength of the imperial idea among the Conservative party backbenchers from 1903 to 1932, how their empire-first movement developed within and in relationship to the Conservative party, and how the imperial idea translated into political action, producing several ambitious organizations, and eventually contributing to the context within which the Import Duties Act and Ottawa Imperial Conference of 1932 resulted.2 [End Page 357] 1 In May 1902 Joseph Chamberlain asked 'whether the British Empire is to continue strong, powerful, and united or whether it is to fall to pieces by disruption or by tolerated secession' and urged Britain to 'raise [its] thoughts to the transcendent possibilities of a federation of the British race . . . [and] draw closer our internal relations', and 'ties of sentiment, sympathy and interest'.3 He later told an imperial conference in 1902 that the 'paramount objective is to strengthen the bonds which unite' Britain and the empire.4 In his famous May 1903 speech Chamberlain proclaimed that 'now is the time when we can mould the Empire, and . . . decide its future destinies'.5 His vision of cultural, political and strategic unity between Britain and the Dominions founded upon the economic elements of tariff reform and imperial preference was embraced by a band of young Conservatives who were anxious over the empire and for whom the imperial idea promised a new empire for a new century.6 The subsequent empire-first movement 'developed a dynamic of its own which would never quite be brought under control', and gave birth to a sectarian faction within the Conservative party which from 1903 to the 1930s produced a series of backbench organizations and campaigns to promote the empire by attempting to influence and even challenge the party's leadership and policies.7 The next three decades saw the formation of the Tariff Reform League, Confederacy, Reveille, Imperial Mission, National party and Empire Industries Association, all intimately associated with one of those bold young Conservatives, Henry Page Croft, whose back-bench campaigns kept the imperial idea in the forefront of Conservative party politics for 30 years and contributed to the context that produced the Import Duties Act and Ottawa conference of 1932.8 The Tariff Reform League (T.R.L.), the organization to advocate imperial consolidation and development of the empire, was established in July 1903 by 130 [End Page 358] Conservative backbenchers to promote the Chamberlain views. 9 Influenced by this development Croft committed himself to the cause of imperial unity, and in late 1903 he established a large T.R.L. branch in East Hertfordshire and declared there was a moral responsibility to hold the empire together and not permit the colonies 'to slip gradually from all family ties'.10 He prophetically called for British and imperial unity 'so that in time of need, when we had to fight a great war, they should once more be able to come to our aid'.11 Croft did not consider the Conservative defeat in the 1906 general election to be a defeat for the imperial idea. Croft, whose own unsuccessful campaign in Lincoln urged voters 'to look after the future of the British Empire', placed the blame on an ambiguous Conservative party policy and weak leadership.12 Anxiety over the party's inattention to the empire gave birth...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,243
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,001
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0010,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,038
Tête enseignante GPT0,267
Écart entre enseignants0,230 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations1
Publié2006
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

Explorer davantage

Même revueParliamentary HistoryMême sujetPolitical and Economic history of UK and USTravaux en français237 207