Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Priscilla Pope-Levison is already well known in the fields (inter alia) of mission and evangelism and American women's religious history. This, her most recent book, offers an account of a previously unstudied feature of the religious scene in the United States during the Progressive Era—a period, roughly 1890–1920, characterized by rapid intellectual, economic, and social changes, with their concomitant problems, matched by an enterprising ‘can-do’ mentality expressed in both secular and religious spheres.While engaged in research less than twenty years ago, Pope-Levison was surprised to find that the women evangelists of this period were virtually unknown. This led to her publication of Turn the Pulpit Loose: Two Centuries of American Women Evangelists (2004), in which she examined the life and work of eighteen women evangelists. In Building the Old Time Religion she turns to women who inhabited the culture of the Progressive Era, building and leading religious institutions where an earlier generation had operated on a more individualistic basis. Once again she has opened up a previously unstudied area, identifying and analysing a previously uncharacterized phenomenon.The book is structured around the stories of twenty-four women, eighteen of them examined in some detail. They belonged to, founded, and led a variety of churches and church-linked institutions, although the majority came from a Methodist background. The Progressive Era was characterized by ‘sweeping social change, bold legislation, and audacious innovation’ (19) and the work of the women featured in these pages was very much of its time: non-US readers in particular may need to adjust to the power of this optimistic belief that anything was possible. Such a context encourages the historian of women's religious leadership to move away from ‘women preachers’ to look for institution-builders and leaders. The period's theological context, which may be construed as part of the wider social phenomenon, also favoured innovative leadership. Among Protestant denominations, especially those with Methodist roots, the prevalent theologies of sanctification, whether instantaneous or gradual (as associated with the Wesleyan Holiness and Keswick movements respectively) could empower women by privileging experience over learning or status. Gender issues—the suppression of women's preaching in the 1880s in the various Methodist denominations, the establishment of many women-only institutions for moral and social reform, of which the Women's Christian Temperance Union is the best known—give further context to the apparently unique situations that Pope-Levison has identified, in which female leaders presided over institutions that were open equally to women and men.The heart of the book lies, however, in the stories which illustrate the chapter-length topics of evangelistic organizations, churches and denominations, training schools, and rescue homes and missions. They concern women such as Iva Durham Vennard, indomitable founder and principal of the Chicago Evangelistic Institute, Martha ‘Mother’ Lee, a founder of rescue missions who gave up pipe-smoking on receiving sanctification, or Maria Woodworth-Etter, famous for the ecstatic trances that punctuated her evangelistic preaching. Very few of them (perhaps only Aimee Semple McPherson) are known outside the specialized and still isolating field of ‘women's studies’. Pope-Levison identifies twelve ‘religious training schools’ (a typical Progressive Era category) founded by women: all published research into such schools at the time of writing was concerned exclusively with those ‘associated with a renowned male evangelist or minister’ (113). The stories, fast-moving and full of detail, call for slow and careful reading of their combination of specific narrative with more general context and analysis. Readers without detailed knowledge of the US political, social, and ecclesiological context will need to hold on tightly, but will be richly repaid through the sheer accessibility of the stories and, through them, the clearly presented context.This pioneering work opens up the possibility of further detailed investigations which might throw light on intriguing general questions. Just how did a conservative theological stance empower women to deal with scriptural restrictions on their leadership and preaching? Why did women's leadership of institutions not survive beyond the first generation? What networks of support and finance were women leaders able to access? Were any of the training schools founded by women, other than the Chicago Evangelistic Institute, which constitutes Pope-Levison's case study, able to resist post-1914 masculinization? And above all, what other examples exist, buried in unexamined archives, of women empowered by their faith to exercise institutional leadership, whether in this period and context or beyond?
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».