Niicugnissuun/Tuu'awinpi: Tribal Radio as a Unique Community Medium and a Source of Health Information for Rural Indigenous Communities
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Indigenous peoples in the United States experience some of the most severe health inequities out of any racial/ethnic group, and are simultaneously affected by significant barriers to accessing information. This dissertation presents a community-based participatory research project on the role of tribal radio as a unique community medium and a source of health information for rural Indigenous communities. In addition to learning about tribal radio as a health information resource, this study also characterizes tribal radio in detail, a severely understudied medium that remains vital for its audience. The very small body of research that exists on tribal radio has focused on its role in revitalizing Indigenous languages. While this is an important contribution that is also discussed here, this study revealed a multitude of other functions and characteristics of tribal radio that set it apart from other community media. The project was conducted in partnership with two prominent tribal radio stations: KYUK in Bethel, Alaska, the oldest continuously operating tribal station in the U.S., serving a rural population of predominantly Yup’ik subsistence hunters and fishermen in the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta, and KUYI, located on the Hopi Reservation and serving the Hopi and Tewa people living in the 12 rural villages on the reservation. This is a qualitative study comprised of 12 individual, in-depth interviews (5 with KUYI staff and 7 with KYUK staff) and 7 focus groups (4 with KUYI listeners and 3 with KYUK listeners), totaling 66 participants overall. Using interview data, I first consider the historical ties of tribal radio with the Indigenous activism of the 1970s and the relevance of these historical origins for its functioning today, how station managers and employees aim to realize their missions, how they share health information on their station, as well as the self-concept of Indigenous media practitioners. Findings reveal that tribal radio practitioners view themselves as more than journalists; they have a tremendous sense of accountability to the communities they serve, and see themselves as protectors and an advocates. They act as translators of language, reading levels, and differing cultural norms to try to lower psychological and information-related barriers of healthcare access for their listeners, while raising awareness of common health issues and prevention strategies. Tribal stations also collect and house valuable audio archives of the tribes’ history and culture, and face difficult decisions about which materials are culturally appropriate to be shared publicly or not. The focus group data provides a rare insight into the audience perspective of tribal radio. To the best of my knowledge, no prior research has presented audience data on U.S. tribal radio. For listeners of all age groups, tribal stations are a community gathering space where everyone can speak and participate, and which is an appropriate forum to discuss even difficult or usually taboo health topics together as a community. The audience has tremendous trust in the information shared on their tribal station, and is highly receptive to health information from tribal radio. Even monolingual English speakers strongly support and value Indigenous language programming on tribal radio. Listeners feel empowered in their interactions with healthcare providers and develop a greater sense of a shared Indigenous identity. Tribal radio is a testament to Indigenous resilience, creativity, cultural strength, and reaffirms tribal sovereignty through its existence and programming.
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,005 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,002 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,002 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».