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Enregistrement W4322213253 · doi:10.1353/mwr.2023.0000

Female Hucksters and Produce Markets in the Great Lakes Region, 1830s–1890s

2023· article· en· W4322213253 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Debra A. Reid

Notice bibliographique

RevueMiddle West review · 2023
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineBusiness, Management and Accounting
ThématiqueAmerican History and Culture
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésNewspaperWifeArgument (complex analysis)SociologyHistoryLawPolitical science

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Female Hucksters and Produce Markets in the Great Lakes Region, 1830s–1890s Debra A. Reid (bio) Mary Judge had seen a bit of the world by the time she became a vendor at Detroit's City Hall Market. She remained a market fixture until her death. For over thirty years, newspaper reporters linked her, more than any other individual, with one cause célèbre, the city's public market. Judge catered to journalists, no doubt, but her entire cohort of female growers and hucksters found themselves in the news often. The media did not recognize them for bringing food to market, daily, between April and November. Instead, journalists often linked market women to the problems that the city hoped to solve if it closed the market. Vendors' wagons clogged downtown streets and created a public hazard, while their boisterous tactics and perceived unladylike behavior allegedly bordered on abuse. The media went even further by stressing the private challenges that individual women faced as evidence of the familial and social risks that resulted when women operated their businesses outside the bounds of patriarchy. This perpetuated the argument that the only good woman was a dutiful wife or ward working selflessly for a family's economic solvency. Judge's market story fits patterns well-documented in women's history. She became part of a sixty-year-old formal economy when she opened her stand in 1863. Yet, she selectively complied with regulations or outright defied them as need arose. Serena Zabin has documented comparable tactics among "poor white women" in colonial cities, women that she describes as "the linchpins" of informal economies. These women conducted business at a time when few women operated businesses outside the home, and most kept house and tended families under patriarchal authority. These informal economies continued into the early national period. Zabin argues, however, that informal trade and the poor White women who conducted it became [End Page 51] increasingly marginalized as common law perpetuated White male authority over commerce, earnings, real and personal property, and over the welfare of White men's wives, families, and wards.1 In Detroit, males authorized, regulated, administered, and managed the public market from its beginning. The first authorization coincided with Detroit's incorporation as part of the Old Northwest Territory in 1802. Then, city trustees established a market at the Detroit River and authorized appointment of a clerk to manage it. Little detail about this market exists, but in 1816, trustees approved construction of a market house in the center of Woodward Avenue below Jefferson Avenue (on the Detroit River side), financed with tax revenue. The markets in St. Louis, also a French-influenced midwestern city, followed a similar pattern with a market in the center of a wide avenue. Male clerks appointed by an elected common council administered the market.3 Growers, hucksters, and customers alike reflected Detroit's multi-ethnic population, with Indigenous, French, British, and Black and White Americans often crossing the fluid border between Detroit and Windsor, Canada. Antiquarian Silas Farmer romanticized this as he described the "black-eyed, olive-skinned maidens … from the Canada shore" who brought "garden-sauce and greens" to the earliest markets in little carts pulled by French ponies. In contrast, a newspaper account indicated that little demand for garden produce existed. Instead, many residents raised what they needed, and elderly men hauled surplus to the city markets in wheelbarrows. Only a few stands operated regularly, and they sold "celery, beets, lettuce, and similar vegetables, poultry and the like."4 Each ethnic group brought different perceptions of female status and authority to market operations, but the legal status of the women at the market resulted from a transfer of English common-law procedures to the new midwestern context. Elizabeth Brown has concluded that justices in the Wayne County court of Michigan Territory did not improvise, nor did they deviate from precedent. Instead, they followed English common-law procedures, as had justices in the eastern seaboard states. Changing situations prompted additional analyses, however, especially in the case of women, commerce, and property law. Justices cited two books in their decisions addressing the legal status of married women (femme covert) and single women...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,253
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,758

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,001

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,044
Tête enseignante GPT0,233
Écart entre enseignants0,189 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations1
Publié2023
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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