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Enregistrement W4385742082 · doi:10.1353/asp.2023.a903864

The Question from the Pacific Islands: Will the United States Be a Credible and Consistent Indo-Pacific Partner?

2023· article· en· W4385742082 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Henryk Szadziewski, Anna Powles

Notice bibliographique

RevueAsia policy · 2023
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueIsland Studies and Pacific Affairs
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésGeopoliticsPolitical sciencePoliticsIndo-PacificNational securityChinaAsia pacificDeclarationForeign policyEnvironmental securityInternational tradeLawBusiness

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

The Question from the Pacific Islands:Will the United States Be a Credible and Consistent Indo-Pacific Partner? Henryk Szadziewski (bio) and Anna Powles (bio) In March 2023, Dame Meg Taylor, lawyer, diplomat, and former secretary general of the Pacific Islands Forum, told Radio New Zealand that Pacific leaders "should have paid much more attention to the Indo-Pacific strategy as it emerged."1 Taylor's comment highlighted not only the abundance of external strategies and policy frameworks targeting the Pacific Islands but also the increasing alignment of economic cooperation with security partnerships. Taylor was particularly concerned that island leaders were being sidelined while major geopolitical decisions were being made that affected the Pacific. This tension was highlighted in the Pacific Islands Forum's latest security outlook report, which noted that "while geopolitical competition could draw much-needed attention and resources to the Pacific, it could also distract the region and its partners from efforts to address its existing security priorities—addressing climate security, supporting human security, and disrupting criminal activity."2 These priorities are most cogently laid out in the 2018 Boe Declaration on Regional Security, which identified five key challenges in the Pacific: climate change, human security, environmental and resource security, transnational crime, [End Page 56] and cybersecurity.3 The heightened geostrategic environment of the Indo-Pacific—and the plethora of foreign strategies and policies aimed at the Pacific Islands—has been prompted by the increased political, security, economic, diplomatic, and cultural profile of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Australia, Canada, the European Union, India, Japan, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States are among those states and regional bodies that have outlined security and economic plans for the wider Indo-Pacific region. Similarly, inside this large, two-ocean region, some of these actors, notably the United States and China, have focused new attention on the Pacific Islands. Through the United States' Indo-Pacific Strategy and Pacific Partnership Strategy, both launched in 2022, Washington has clearly staked a claim in a competition for attaining—and retaining—influence in the Pacific Island countries and territories (PICTs).4 This essay examines the abovementioned U.S. strategies in the context of their implications for the PICTs. Before discussing the two strategies, however, the essay begins with a brief description of the United States' post–Cold War Indo-Pacific and Pacific policies, which is critical to understand the measured PICT responses toward Washington's recent "Pacific turn." The next two sections then analyze the security and economic pledges of these strategies, evaluating the challenges and opportunities that the United States faces in Oceania. We argue that, while the United States has committed to re-engaging with the Pacific Islands and reasserting the U.S. strategic geography as part of the broader Pacific region, Washington's persistent framing of the U.S. pivot to the Pacific in terms of strategic competition with China will undermine the United States' ability to develop the type of deep relationships that will strengthen its role as a credible partner in the Pacific. U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategies and Pacific Policies before 2022 The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan in 1990 and 2003 diverted the United States from forming a comprehensive policy of strategic denial in the Pacific Ocean. Nevertheless, in the period between the end of the Cold War and 2022, the United States [End Page 57] developed policies of engagement with the PICTs. At a 1990 summit in Honolulu, for example, President George H.W. Bush announced a Joint Commercial Commission, which aimed to facilitate dialogue between Pacific Island governments and U.S. businesses exploring opportunities in the region.5 The commission later proved "to be a failure, with little new U.S. investment or trade in the islands."6 In the decade following the commission, "influences from the USA, and other English-speaking nations…decreas[ed] as a proportion of the total external impact."7 It then took another ten years, a period defined by the war on terrorism, for the United States to fully revert its gaze to the Pacific. Building on earlier outreach efforts in 2010, U.S. president Barack...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: aucune
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,788
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,998

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0030,001
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,030
Tête enseignante GPT0,320
Écart entre enseignants0,290 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2023
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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