MétaCan
Menu
Retour à la cohorte
Enregistrement W4388516139 · doi:10.5406/21558450.49.3.06

Chicago Sports Museum

2022· article· en· W4388516139 sur OpenAlexaff
Russell Field

Notice bibliographique

RevueJournal of Sport History · 2022
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueSports, Gender, and Society
Établissements canadiensUniversity of Manitoba
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésSpectacleDowntownSituatedVisual artsArt historyMedia studiesHistory of sportArtHistoryAdvertisingSociologyGender studiesPolitical scienceArchaeologyLaw

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

If a banal real estate metaphor—that location is everything—can be applied more widely, then the location of the Chicago Sports Museum is telling. Situated on the seventh floor of a downtown shopping mall on the Windy City's Magnificent Mile, the museum celebrates the spectacle of consumer sport in Chicago. It is unabashedly commercial, both in the moments and men (almost exclusively) it celebrates. Adjacent to an eatery named after famed local broadcaster Harry Caray, the museum is in large part a diversion intended to attract and entertain diners and tourists.Chicago was host to the 2022 meeting of the North American Society for Sport History, many of whose members have played a leading role in chronicling and critiquing the history of sport in the city (e.g., Gerry Gems, Gabe Logan, Michael Lomax). Regardless, the Chicago Sports Museum makes no claim to represent sport's role in urban and neighborhood development or consider the class, gender, ethnic, and racial tension that characterized the emergence of modern sport. While the museum could do much more as a site of public history—to engage visitors and illuminate the history of sport in the city—it is perhaps unproductive to discuss what the Chicago Sports Museum could be and instead engage with what it is.The museum is composed of two large rooms separated by smaller transitional spaces. Entering into the first room, visitors are invited to marvel at the remarkable feats of Chicago's (male) sporting heroes. The panel on the Chicago Bears’ star running back Walter Payton asks “how strong are you?” while at the same time making clear that the visitor could not possibly match Payton's strength or his on-field success. This rhetorical device continues: pitchers Greg Maddux and Mark Buehrle, neither of whom possessed overwhelming fastballs, are celebrated for their sporting intellect as the answers to “how strategic are you?” The reflexes of Hall of Fame hockey goaltender Tony Esposito animate the question “how quick are you?” Visitors are also invited to measure their wingspan against that of Chicago Bulls’ star Scottie Pippen and contemplate “how big are you?” Bearing witness to sport's larger-than-life stature is a pair of size 28 sneakers and basketballs marked with the enormous handprints of famed players. Nearby, visitors are encouraged to measure their vertical leap against a mural of Pippen's teammate Michael Jordan preparing to dunk a basketball. That most feats of brawn and biology are represented by Black athletes while cunning and guile are portrayed in the achievements of white athletes reproduces cultural stereotypes, however unintentionally.The connecting spaces between the two main rooms highlight elements of fandom and the history of Chicago sport, including Caray's broadcasting—particularly his off-key rendition of “Take Me Out to the Ballgame”—famed “curses” that have befallen local teams—most notoriously the World Series “billy goat” curse that apparently doomed the Cubs to 71 years of failure—and the details of the Black Sox scandal, where members of the White Sox were accused of taking money from gamblers to throw the 1919 World Series.In the museum's second main room, the emphasis is almost exclusively on the four major North American team sports, in particular Chicago's franchises in the NBA, NFL, and NHL, as well as the city's two major-league baseball teams. Local professional soccer receives considerably less coverage. Individual sports, the long history of amateur sport in the city, and Chicago's selection as the initial host for the 1904 Olympics (eventually held in St. Louis) as well as the city's bid for the 2016 Olympics are entirely absent. The only display case to focus specifically on women's participation in the local sport scene highlights the Soxettes, “a group of young women chosen to be ambassadors” who, in 1973, “promoted the White Sox on the radio, at home games, baseball clinics, parades and dinners throughout the Chicagoland area.” On display are the tools of such diplomatic efforts, including a pinstriped tunic with short shorts and red vinyl go-go boots. This room also includes interactive videogame stations that encourage museumgoers to emulate the feats of their heroes. These, combined with the anatomical statistics and biometric markers from the first room, are intended to inspire visitors to marvel at the superhuman achievements of Chicago sporting legends.This focus on celebrating achievements encourages a consideration of what a sport museum should or can be (a question to which NASSH scholars have also contributed). As Rachel Morris contends in The Museum Makers, museums allow us to consider who we are, where we've come from, and what we've accomplished. While there is a critique of the notions of “progress” inherent in these themes and the disciplinary nature of museums (see Tony Bennett's The Birth of the Museum), there remains an expectation that museums operate as repositories of artifacts, representations of cultural practices and history, and signposts of what a society has achieved or aspires to be.At the Chicago Sports Museum, tales of the Cubs and White Sox (as one example), while celebrated in Chicago, obscure the centrality of the city to the origins of the All-American Girls Professional Baseball League, its long-standing Negro National League team, the American Giants, and the East-West All-Star Game, held annually at Comiskey Park. Nor does a wall of framed newspaper covers include anything from the Defender, Chicago's Black newspaper, or influential sportswriter Wendell Smith. One is left aspiring to be a larger-than-life hero, but with less sense of what sport has meant to the cultural fabric of the city and its many communities.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,002
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,294
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,992

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0020,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,001
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0090,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,026
Tête enseignante GPT0,260
Écart entre enseignants0,234 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2022
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

Explorer davantage

Même revueJournal of Sport HistoryMême sujetSports, Gender, and SocietyTravaux en français237 207