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Enregistrement W4391515565 · doi:10.1111/anhu.12510

The city of men: Masculinities and everyday morality on public transport By RomitChowdhury, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press; 2023. pp. 205. S$27.95 for paperback

2024· article· en· W4391515565 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Sneha Annavarapu

Notice bibliographique

RevueAnthropology & Humanism · 2024
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueGender Roles and Identity Studies
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésMoralitySociologyMedia studiesPolitical scienceLaw

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Romit Chowdhury's City of Men is an ethnographic exploration of the Indian city of Kolkata through the vantage point of its transport workers and their moral and material maneuvers in the city. This highly engaging book offers a layered account of how the labor of driving people around produces and institutionalizes ideologies of masculinity and morality. In the burgeoning field of feminist urban studies, it is a meaningful intervention that persuasively and explicitly calls attention to the necessity to think about masculinity and urbanity as being co-constituted. One of the stated goals of the book as laid out in the Introduction is to identify and unpack the “interlocking of ideologies of masculinity with the making of everyday life in cities to demonstrate the manner in which the process of becoming men is simultaneous with the production of urban sociality” (p. 23). In doing so, the book asks a question that in many ways remains at the background of much argumentation and critical writing in urban studies: how is the patriarchal city reproduced in everyday life? While much scholarship seeks to show how marginalized genders navigate cities and resist “the city of men,” Chowdhury unearths the very processes that produce patriarchal power in urban India. What emerges is a textured story of how working-class men experience and grapple with danger and delight, risk and reward, conflict and cooperation, and fear and frivolity on the job—and how those urban experiences produce their identities as men. The city, in other words, becomes the arena in which men may prove their manhood and constitute their masculinities. By lending a sympathetic and sensitive ear to the desires and dejections of taxi drivers and autorickshaw drivers in Kolkata, this book offers a remarkably vivid portrayal of the laboring lives of transport workers and triumphs as a wonderful example of humanistic scholarship—one that insists we see the everyday interactional rituals of collaboration and support that keep cities moving. One of the interesting analytical tropes that emerges in the book is that of male homosociality and how certain ideologies of masculinity—say, being an able provider for the family—produce relations between transport workers and other urban actors. For instance, while documenting various instances of traffic policing as being predictably extractive when it comes to poorer denizens of the city such as transport workers, Chowdhury also shows how shared ideas around what it means to be a morally “good” man shapes cooperation and homosociality between transport workers and traffic policemen. A seemingly “private” matter such as being an able provider for the family actually come to impact how traffic policemen not just sympathize with transport workers but also work with such tropes to foster awareness about “public” issues such as road safety and law-obedience. In this way and myriad other ways that Chowdhury documents, the “private” and the “public” are not just tightly linked but actively produce one another. Another useful argument made by Chowdhury is about how shared autorickshaw drivers become infrastructures of support, sociability, and camaraderie despite instances of disrespect meted out to them on an everyday basis. As he shows, infrastructures become “sociable” in ways that go beyond simplistic ideas of risk and safety. As it turns out, I was reading some parts of this book while in Kolkata—a city not too familiar to me—on a short visit. As I traveled through the city, I indeed found myself recalling and reliving bits and pieces of what Chowdhury offered in the book. But I also found myself wishing that the book had offered a little more of a discussion on two aspects: one, age, generation, and even caste as being clearer analytics around which identities of manhood cohere; and two, the infrastructural transformations in the city, around the city, and the larger effects of—quite simply—the built environment in which gendered interactions and masculine dispositions are institutionalized. While the book does a very clear job of showing how class, migration, religion, and routes traversed in the city affect the ways in which drivers understand risk, safety, leisure, and pleasure, age, agility, and caste locations also tend to matter in producing masculine subjects. While Chowdhury does emphasize those aspects in specific examples, I was left wanting a bit more by the way of an overarching analytical argument. Relatedly, age and aging are linked to the second theme that I found a bit undercooked in the book: urban infrastructure. Transport workers, as any ethnographer of urban India knows, are moving archives of changing cities. What, then, do they make of the physical landscape of the city and of themselves—as infrastructure but also as moving, feeling urban denizens—in a city and a nation that is undergoing infrastructural transformations? Since Kolkata's urbanization story might be different from Mumbai's or New Delhi's or Bengaluru's, some more context on the changing aesthetics and state-led ideologies of the metropolis would have made “the urban” come alive. While one of the chapters does provide a sketch of the changing city in terms of its vehicular traffic, law-enforcement tactics, and demographics, I was more curious about aspirations, exasperations, and exclusions owing to infrastructural growth in the region (if any). On a final note, I want to address the book's eminent readability. Writing about the city as a space of interactional rituals, a site of surprise and shock, and a world of strangers with its concomitant moral conundrums and encounters, Chowdhury writes in a manner that is highly reminiscent of classic urban sociological writing on modern cities. It is written with an eye to surprise, amuse, engage, and draw the reader in. The dialogue brought the “city characters” (Chapter 5) alive. While conceptually sophisticated, the book was not saddled with alienating jargon. I also really appreciated Chowdhury placing himself in the text without making it about himself. The prose is elegant and economical, and it would make for an excellent text to teach both undergraduate and graduate students. City of Men would be of interest to anyone remotely curious about gender, morality, urbanity, and South Asia.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,534
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0020,002
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,047
Tête enseignante GPT0,304
Écart entre enseignants0,257 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2024
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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