THE TEXTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF TRANSGENDERISMREBUKING
\nHADITH

Among the reasons for conventional Muslims to stand against queer is their
\nunderstanding of religious texts, particularly Quran and hadith. Out of dozen hadith, a
\ntradition relating mukhannath in the quarter of the Prophet‟s wife and the la’na (curse)
\nhadith on mukhannath play a significant role in shaping Muslims‟ understanding. Being
\npositioned that way, hadith is expected to be the sources for historical reconstruction.
\nAdopting a method of hadith criticism offered by Harald Motzki, this thesis discusses the
\nextent to which the two groups of hadith serve us as sources for such reconstruction. The
\nlimitation of the subject is due to their significant role and, more importantly, the number
\nof variants found in canonical as well as extra-canonical books of hadith collection.
\nThis thesis argues that the two groups have undergone textual development. The
\nfirst group has a sort of historical core relating that the Prophet did meet a mukhannath in
\nthe quarter of his wife and found hir (mukhannath) explaining the appealing parts of
\nwoman‟s body. The Prophet then responded by banning hir from entering the quarter
\nsince then, saying lā yadkhulann hāżā ‘alaykunn “for sure he should not enter (the quarter
\nof you (fem. pl.).” Some a century later around Kūfa or a broader part of Islamic world
\nnear Persian imperium, the hadith got additional text that has higher imperative sense
\n(akhrijū) and broader addressee/mukhāṭab (kum, you [masc. pl.]). Hadith of the second
\ngroup also undergoes textual development. I argue that it was circulating in Ḥijāz in the
\nfirst half of the second/eighth century, relating that the Prophet has cursed mukhannithīnmutashabbihīn
\n(men who imitates women) and women who do the same (using various
\nterms). Nearing the end of the century the text develops by changing the subject from the
\nProphet to Allah which is indeed a serious development. In other words, it turns from
\n„people relating what the Prophet said‟ to the „Prophet delivering what God orders‟.
\nWhat is the underlying context for the development? In order to answer this
\nquestion I refer to some accounts on mukhannath preserved as secondary texts in literary
\nliterature, the oldest of which originates from the third/ninth century. It is worth noting
\nthat I regard them as representing the understanding of mukhannath held by the author
\nand his society. A third-century book, for instance, that relates a story about a firstcentury
\nmukhannath tells me about the understanding of mukhannath held by the thirdcentury
\ncommunity. However, I have enough textual bases to argue that a mass castration
\ndid happen in Medina (or Ḥijāz in general) in the first/seventh century. Consequently, the
\ndata I can present is limited and so is my explanation on the context of the textual
\ndevelopment.
\nThe first point pertains to the emergence of la’na hadith in which people recount
\nwhat the Prophet said. This text emerges after the mass castration. Those who morally
\nobjected to mukhannath legitimize their stance by arguing that “the Prophet held the same
\nstance.” The second point pertains to the emergence of the phrase rajul yalbasu libsat-lmar’a
\n(man who wears woman‟s dress). This widens the aspect of man‟s imitation from
\nmerely mannerism to the issue of clothing. This text emerged in Baṣra-Baghdād in the
\nearly of third/ninth century in which the objection to mukhannath goes beyond
\nmannerism and includes clothing. Therefore I argue that there was an attempt during
\nsecond/eighth and third/ninth century to build a sort of orthodoxy regarding Islamic
\nworldview on mukhannath and queer in general. This orthodoxy attaches itself to an
\nauthoritative text, i.e. hadith, to control the public sphere. It succeeded dominating the
\nsphere in such a great level that Muslims of later generations hold the worldview so dear.

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