Women and water «wahala»: Picturing gendered waterscapes in Southwest Cameroon
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
With gendered divisions of labour, many women play an important role in daily water management.Women therefore have specific experiential knowledge with water and are disproportionately impacted by water access challenges.Yet women's priorities and the gendered nature of water use, access, and control are often overlooked in water policy and research.This bias perpetuates 'gender-neutral' water management strategies and distorts how water problems are addressed.Responding to calls for broader approaches to water governance that include social power, this study explores the gendered politics of the waterscape in Cameroon.Bringing together feminist intersectionality theory and new thinking about the politics and materiality of water, I explore through participatory visual methodologies women's and men's everyday water experiences.In collaboration with a civil society organization, Changing Mentalities and Empowering Groups (CHAMEG), I co-facilitated photovoice and participatory video processes in two urban and two rural communities in Cameroon's Southwest Region involving 130 participants (96 women and 34 men).Participant-produced images and participant-led analysis emphasize women's daily problems or troubles (wahala in Pidgin English) with water.Despite an abundance of freshwater available in the vicinity of Mount Cameroon, the services from both partially privatized and community-managed water supply networks tend to be unreliable.Multiple alternative sources such as wells, springs, and streams provide resilience for communities to fulfill their daily water needs.Yet these alternatives also present gendered concerns about, for example, the embodied and emotional labour related to searching for water, sexual and gender-based violence, intra-household dynamics, and the technologies of water access, storage, and treatment.Participants also identified the gendered nature of planning and sanitation in relation to water quality, source protection, and sustainability.A discussion forum with local decision-makers provided an opportunity to interrogate the implications of the research for local change, which highlighted the politics of participation, community, authority, and water decision-making.In applying an intersectional lens that attends to social difference and the complexity of gender, the materiality of water and water infrastructure also emerged as critical factors influencing experience.I suggest that these interconnections between the social and the material have implications for intersectionality theory.Offering a deconstruction of the theory, I propose four analytic tools for looking at intersectionality: Simultaneity, situated specificity, relationality, and fluid consistencies.These Personal acknowledgementsIt is difficult to express the extent of my appreciation to the network of people who have supported this study in different ways.To begin, I extend my sincere gratitude to the research participants in Cameroon who participated in this study.Your trust in me as a researcher and willingness to work together was a true honour, for which I am indebted.I hope that I have adequately represented the scope and nature of the concerns that you shared during the research process.I accept responsibility for any errors in the thesis.Changing Mentalities and Empowering Groups (CHAMEG) and Mrs. Magdaline Agbor, in particular, you were the backbone of this study.Meg, your commitment, hope, boundless energy, and ability to make things happen continue to inspire me.I thank you for inviting me so warmly into your organization, your personal and professional networks, and your home in ways that extended beyond what I imagined collaborative research to entail.I would also like to thank the following individuals who played pivotal roles as my cofacilitators during the community-based workshops: Agnes Nanyongo Mediki, Bruno Difang Tahr,
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,002 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,001 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».