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Enregistrement W7162497557 · doi:10.1215/15476715-11380833

Porn Work: Sex, Labor, and Late Capitalism

2024· article· en· W7162497557 sur OpenAlexaff
Brenda Cossman

Notice bibliographique

RevueLabor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas · 2024
Typearticle
Langueen
DomainePsychology
ThématiqueSexuality, Behavior, and Technology
Établissements canadiensUniversity of Toronto
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésSex workPornographyScholarshipContext (archaeology)Framing (construction)RhetoricCountercultureWork (physics)

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

What work does “work” do in sex work? Or, for Heather Berg's book Porn Work: Sex, Labor, and Late Capitalism, the question is more specifically, What work does work do in porn work? For Berg, “every porn scene is a record of people at work” (1). But calling it work is only the beginning of the story. Berg's “porn work lens” reminds readers that work is itself a site of struggle, exploitation, creativity, and negotiation. Berg shows us that porn work both is and isn't like other work and that porn work has much to tell us about the conditions and contradictions of labor in late capitalism.Berg's intervention begins where other scholarship on sex work has left off. In the context of feminist sex wars around pornography and prostitution, the term sex work was an intervention in the terms of the debate, intended to radically shift the discourses around prostitution away from the moralizing rhetoric of sin and stigma and the radical feminist framing of prostitution as violence against women. It was a provocative and novel intervention, intended to refocus attention on the work of selling sex. Sex work was—and sex workers were engaged in—a form of labor. The work of “work” here was to normalize sex work as simply another form of labor.While much has since been written about sex work as work, pornography has not received the same attention through the lens of work. Rather, it has been studied overwhelmingly through the lens of representation and consumption, as a cultural text rather than as a site of work. Labor scholars have largely ignored pornography. Berg seeks to bridge these two solitudes, by focusing on pornography as a site of labor. Her work is based on eighty-one interviews with a range of individuals working in porn, from performers to managers to crew members. Through these interviews, Berg demonstrates how porn work is work but is not always like other work. She picks up from but also radically departs from the understanding of sex work as work. Hers is not a celebration or legitimation of porn work as simply another form of labor. Rather, adopting a Marxist feminist analysis, Berg rejects the idea of labor as liberatory under capitalism. She also breaks from a classic Marxist analysis of class and the position of workers: porn workers are engaged in creative struggle, moving between positions within the industry, from performer to director to manager and back again. As Berg shows, porn workers were navigating the many challenges of this economy long before the “gig economy” was recognized as a new, precarious form of labor.Berg's analysis is dialectic: porno dialectics. Contradiction is at the heart of the story: “Porn work can be better than straight work and also just as extractive. Both things are true, and that is the point” (5). Porn workers are, according to Berg, engaged in multiple forms of creative struggle, adaptation, and reimagining of work under the current conditions of the porn economy. Berg focuses on the actual conditions of the shop floor. “Against the framing of porn performance as exceptionally exciting on the one hand or exceptionally extractive on the other, porn workers describe the work of performance as sometimes fun, sometimes straining, and mostly routine” (27).As with other forms of work, authenticity, as in “loving the job,” is a job requirement of porn work. Consumers want authentic pleasure. But authenticity does much more work in porn. It shapes labor relations: for example, managers use “loving what you do” as a justification for lower pay. It also shapes how porn workers experience porn work: “In sex work as elsewhere,” Berg explains, pleasure can make “work feel less like work. And authenticity claims can be a means of refusing anti-sex-worker stigma” (73). But, as porn workers insist, “money matters,” and payment is not antithetical to authentic sexuality and pleasure; indeed, it is essential (86–87).Berg then turns to porn workers’ strategies for using waged work in porn scenes as a marketing tool for all their alternative income streams in the gig economy. Berg provides a fascinating look at the sex work jobs that porn workers most frequently pursue: erotic dancing, webcam modeling, escorting, and platform-mediated direct sales to fans (e.g., OnlyFans). She shows the hustles, the hierarchies, the freedom, and the challenges of these porn-adjacent gigs—or, as she describes them, “sex work satellites.” Berg writes, “Porn workers approach the gig economy with the aim of controlling their incomes, the work environments, and the representations in which they are features” (112). Performers become managers or self-producers with greater autonomy. But Berg keeps the analysis of class foregrounded—“the class politics of the hustle” (120). Not all porn workers have access to the same income streams, and hierarchies of race and class are sometimes reproduced. Moreover, while the gig economy offers greater control of their work and access to the profits, Berg is cautious about its implications: “To acknowledge the transformative potential of autonomous production is not to celebrate freelance gig economies as a frontier for the unencumbered” (120).Berg also explores the porous boundaries between work and life, as well as delving into porn workers’ general distrust of the state, and the challenge of legal regulation. Throughout, Berg provides fascinating insights into the life conditions and views of porn workers, conditions and views that turn common conceptions of the porn industry upside down. Porn work is never just one thing: it is deeply contradictory, and, as she says, “that is the point” (5). In the epilogue—“Fuck Jobs”—Berg returns to the question of “what it means to call porn ‘work’ ” (183). Calling porn work “work” is neither a “bid for respectability” nor a repudiation of pleasure. Indeed, she worries that calling porn work “work” might “legitimize it in ways no work should be legitimized” (184). Berg insists that we do call it work but also that we understand the contradictions of work in late capitalism: “It matters not only that we call porn ‘work’ but that we are clear about what ‘work’ means: exploitation but also struggle” (184–85).Porn Work is a must-read for those interested in porn studies, sex work, and sexuality more generally. It reminds the reader of the importance not only of dialectical thinking but also of interrogating the ambiguities and contradictions of the things we think we already know. Coming into this book, I thought, “Of course porn work is work.” But Berg challenged me to rethink the work of porn work in sophisticated, accessible, and, of course, dialectical ways.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,808
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,943

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,002
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,001
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,062
Tête enseignante GPT0,349
Écart entre enseignants0,286 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2024
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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