Farming in a Global Economy: A Case Study of Immigrant Farmers in Canada
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Schryer, Frans. 2006. Farming in a Global Economy: A Case Study of Immigrant Farmers in Canada. Boston and Leiden, Brill, 2006 (376 pp.), ISBN13: 9789004151703, euro 84.00, US$ 117.00Frans Schryer skillfully presents an intensive, decade-long ethnographic study of the post-World War II migration of Dutch farmers to Canada to reveal much about the migration process, the complexities of Dutch and Canadian institutions and agricultures, rural communities, the role of ethnicity and integration into the global economy. The work is part of the International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology series by Brill.Canadians viewed the Dutch, with their good agricultural educations and strong work ethic, as an ideal source of cheap labor in farming after the Second World War. That reputation, or stereotype, allowed the Dutch to receive permission to come to Canada though an agreement between Canada and the Netherlands. They came as family units and worked hard to acquire their own farms. Family, class, church, and Dutch agricultural education allowed the new migrants to move from workers to highly respected family farmers and generated a positive ethnic stereotype that often served them well as they established new agricultural and religious organizations in Ontario.Because of a recent visit to the countryside in Holland, where we visited Dutch Reform and Dutch Catholic agricultural communities, and my preconceptions, based on Dutch communities in Iowa, of all Dutch at Calvinists, I found Schryer's discussion of the differences in soil, land reclamation, and economic opportunities as well as religion across Holland as especially insightful in understanding differences in adaptation as they faced quite different agronomic conditions in Canada. There were two farming traditions in the Netherlands at the beginning of the Second World War, a cash crop and cattle agriculture economy on clay soils oriented to the market and a largely self-sufficient set of farmers farming on sand. Farmers from both types of farming experience came to Canada, and both wanted to be market-oriented farmers. Pluriactivity and multiple earners in would-be farm households allowed the accumulation of savings and social and business connections to rent or purchase land and get the initial livestock and machinery needed.Schryer used a wide variety of local records as well as census data to give an overview of Dutch settlement in Ontario. He supplements those data with life histories and quotations that show the differences among the migrants and how ethnic identity both built community and separated them from their Canadian neighbors. His focus on how they saw themselves and how others saw them, and how that changed over time, shows the importance of cultural capital and social capital in generating the human and financial capital that resulted in success for many - but not all - Dutch migrant farmers.Schryer points out the intense institutional segregation of Dutch society prior to 1960; each religious group - and those without religious affiliation - has their own school systems, hospitals, labor unions and radio stations. In English, this had been called pillarization. The three main were the Roman Catholics, orthodox Calvinists and mainstream Calvinists. Each pillar inhabited separate worlds, with residential as well as associational segregation. Only in 1972 did the Protestant and Catholic financial cooperatives merge as Rabobank. In Canada, these were maintained, and similar religion-based financial institutions were founded. The degree that the immigrants continued their connections to Holland determined the length of time these separations continued in Canada. The experience of organization for economic and cultural reasons continued in Canada, as did at first the ethnic/religious separation by pillars that existed in the Netherlands. The different tended to settle in different areas of Ontario. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".