Back to School: Jewish Day School in the Lives of Adult Jews (review)
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Bibliographic record
Abstract
Reviewed by: Back to School: Jewish Day School in the Lives of Adult Jews Renee Rubin Ross (bio) Back to School: Jewish Day School in the Lives of Adult Jews. By Alex Pomson and Randal F. Schnoor. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2008. xii + 184 pp. What impact does organizational affiliation have on individuals? This question is at the heart of Alex Pomson and Randal F. Schnoor's recently published ethnography of parents' connections to a non-Orthodox Jewish day school in Toronto. After a preliminary study suggested that parents' connections to the school were significant, the authors spent three years conducting ethnographic observation and interviews at the Downtown Jewish Day School (DJDS) in Toronto. The DJDS is a revealing case study since it diverges from research about which families choose Jewish day schools.1 DJDS families do not live in a particularly Jewish neighborhood and may not be affiliated with other Jewish institutions. In fact, the authors suggest that in this case, the day school replaces a synagogue for these families, functioning as a "shul," a house of worship, study, and assembly for parents (ix). Back to School comes alive with Pomson and Schnoor's "thick description" of the voices of the DJDS families. For example, in their discussion [End Page 246] of day school choice, they cite a father's ambivalence about what kind of education would be right for his daughter. "I always considered myself Jewish but it wasn't a prominent part of my life," the father explains. "But you see your kids get to the point where . . . you know that this is the time to offer Judaism to your child and you have to ask yourself how important it is to you. And I decided at that point that this was important enough to me to reintegrate Judaism in to my life to send her to a Jewish school" (57). Quotes such as the one above anchor the discussion in the concrete experience of less observant Jewish parents struggling with Jewish educational choices. In listening to the DJDS parents, we hear the voices of families in our communities encountering Jewish organizations and considering what their connections to those organizations will be. As mentioned at the beginning, the question at the heart of this book is what impact organizational affiliation has on individuals; the book explores how the school influences parents' Jewish identity. However, while affiliating with a day school creates the possibility for individual Jewish journeys, Pomson and Schnoor could have broadened their analysis by using an organizational frame. Individuals (the DJDS parents) are shaped by their affiliation with an organization, but this is not only a story about individuals' Jewish identities. Instead, it is a story about how a place (DJDS) opens up possibilities for new ways to be Jewish together, in other words, to act as a group. Considering how DJDS is similar to other organizations that foster affiliation might have expanded the analysis from whether and why a day school is or is not a shul to what kinds of affiliation different day schools foster, and the degree to which day schools are able to foster these affiliations, and even the process by which this affiliation is created and maintained. For example, in their chapter on "What are Parents Doing at School," Pomson and Schnoor explore the reasons for the "sometimes contradictory, sometimes paradoxical" messages about parent involvement (68–69). They suggest that parents' individual motivations to be involved with the school are often in opposition with one another. But the authors also could have considered the parents' actions as a group in terms of socioeconomic class, linking their work to a larger conversation about different parenting styles; they are describing ways that middle-class parents act. Similarly, in their chapter on motivations for choosing the school, the authors argue that school choice is an individual matter, whereas, in fact, their data could suggest the opposite. There are a finite number of paths that bring families to DJDS; and what is sociologically worth more analysis is the fact that Jewish education has broadened the possible paths so that DJDS families can affiliate with a Jewish organization. [End Page 247] The strength of...
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Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it